Skip to main content

Full text of "Southern wealth and northern profits, as exhibited in statistical facts and official figures : showing the necessity of union to the future prosperity and welfare of the Republic"

See other formats


3433 081803854 












AND _^— — «-«^ 









Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S60, 


In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 

District of New York. 

I'l'.vviE, SHEA & LINDSAY, 


:ind &5 Centre-street, 
New York. 


The Emperor of the French has said, that " France is the only nation that 
goes to war for an idea." With more truth may it be said, that " the United 
States is the only nation that goes to destruction for an idea." This appears, 
however, to be the settled policy of a party at the North. The United States, at 
the age of seventy years, have exhibited a degree of success in working out the 
" experiment" of self-government, that has baffled the sagacity, while it has ex- 
cited the admiration, of the most far-seeing statesmen of the Old World. This 
great success manifests itself in the international peace that the country enjoys, 
its rapid increase in numbers, the general wealth of the people, and the vast 
aggregate which that wealth presents. 

At the close of the War of Independence, the country was composed of ex- 
hausted Colonies, having a population of 3,172,464 whites. The government was 
heavily in debt and without credit, the channels of trade flooded with irredeem- 
able and depreciated paper that had driven away specie, national bankruptcy 
and individual insolvency were the rule. The people were destitute of capital 
and manufactures ; the employment of the shipping apparently destroyed, and 
the future presenting but little hope. There were 751,363 black slaves, who 
were without employment that would earn their own support, and their fate 
and that of their masters gave ample cause of uneasiness, as well to statesmen 
as to owners. To abandon the blacks to their fate, under the plea of philan- 
thropy, suggested itself to many. The employment of Northern ships was 
mostly the slave-trade, while the South, having daily less employment for the 
blacks, was determined to stop their arrival, — a measure which the North i - e- 
garded as depriving it of its legitimate business. Thus growing jealousy was 
added to other evils. The lapse of seventy years has changed all that. The 
North has come to rival the mother country in manufactures — her shipping is 
the first in the world — capital of every description has become redundant — the 
Federal debt is nominal, and local wealth superior in Massachusetts to that of 
any community of like numbers in the world. The condition of the South has 
changed to one of the most brilliant promise. From a desponding position, in 
the possession of 600,000 idle blacks, she has 4,000,000, whose labor is inade- 
quate to the production of that staple which the civilized world demands from 
her fertile soil. The blacks themselves have been gradually elevated in material 
comforts and religious sentiment — not only far above those of any other country, 
but greatly and progressively above their own former condition. And this is 
comprehended in the material fact, that their value, which was $200 by assess- 
ment in 1790, is $550 in 1858. From a market value of §250, they have risen 
to S1500 and S2000. This simple fact alone would show not only the great 
value that their labor is to the Christian world, but that their owners have 
thus, as it were, come under bonds in the sum of $1200 and $1800 each hand, to 
give them the best moral and material care. That rise in the value of the blacks 

4 Preface. 

is al o ili-' index to the rise In the aggregate property of the Union, which has 
become as follows, showing the official assessed valuation : 

1850. 1858. 

North §3,o 9 5,833,338 § 3,426, i8o,3i8 

West 1,022,948,262 2,iii,233,345 

:1, 2,947,781,366 4,620,617,564 

Total $7,066,562 ,966 $10,1 58,o3 1,127 

The valuation for 1850 is that of the census, and that of 1858 is from each 
State census. In L800, the whole valuation for the levy of a Federal tax was 
619 millions. There has then been an increase of property valuation of 0,447 
millions up to 1850, and of 3,072 millions from 1850 to 1858. How strong a 
contrast does this present to the condition of affairs in 1790! This immense 
property has been developed under the harmonious working of the Federal Con- 
stitution, and the country lias become the asylum and admiration of the Old 
World, from the political contests of which it has remained aloof. 

We have endeavored, in the following pages, to trace the gradual development 
of this great wealth, to show its sources, the course of the resulting trade, and 
the great profits derived from sectional intercourse, harmony, and dependence. 
The mutual benefit will be found to he large ; and that, on the other hand, the 
disasters of disunion would be only the more terrible for the greatness of former 
success. In the midst of this prosperity, a wanton attack, by political and cleri- 
cal agitators, is made upon sister States, a new idea of morality is conjured up as 
a means of stirring up domestic strife, and wantonly destroying the source of all 
this material good. Historians record with surprise the amazing folly of George 
the Third and his ministers, who drove the colonies into rebellion for a system ! 
But they wanted revenue. What will the future historian say of the North, 
which destroyed its source of profit for a more trivial pretence! The monkey 
that persisted in sawing off the limb between himself and the tree, seems to be 
the model of modern sagacity. We are told that there is no intention of destroy- 
ing the institutions of the States — that the design is only to exclude the institu- 
tion from territory where, it would have been long since had nature permitted. 
There is here, then, nothing practical— a mere pretence of agitating the popular 
mind and engendering animosities, for the mere sake of those animosities. The 
national prosperity, the domestic peace, the safety of life and property, the very 
existence of the nation, are jeopardized for an idea, admitted by the agitators to 
be fruitless. The agitation has at the North no one practical application what- 
ever ; while at the South, it has in the background servile insurrection, blood- 
shed, and annihilation of person and property, involving ultimately the ruin of 
the North. 

This Republican hobby, so violently ridden, has at best but a feeble constitu- 
tion. The idea of non-intervention where slavery exists, and of intervention 
where it cannot exist, is certainly but a thing of straw ; yet this is the very head 
of the pretence, while the popular contempt for slavery is stimulated by such 
assertions as the following : 

" The annual hay crop of the Free States is worth considerably more, in dollars 
and cents, than all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar annually 
produced in the fifteen Slave States." 

Wlen we find that the South keeps 3,000,000 head of cattle more than the 
North, without this vast expense for haymaking, the absurdity of this proposition 
in a partisan tale becomes apparent, and we recognize the hobby of the nursery, 

" His head was made of peas-straw, 
His tail was made of hay." 

Preface. 5 

Europe looks on in surprise, to see this " model Republic," this successful "ex- 
ponent of self-government," this " eyesore to aristocrats," this " asylum of the 
oppressed," this " paradise of industry, and demonstration of human equality," 
voluntarily casting behind it all claim for human supremacy, all prospect of ad- 
vancement, and seeking self-destruction, for the sake of wallowing in the kennel 
with ati inferior race. The philosopher demands if the persons who commit 
this monstrous outrage upon human dignity are really entitled to those godlike 
qualities that are generally ascribed to the intellect of man. Is man, after all, no 
better than a brute, that he should libel his Creator for making distinctions be- 
tween his creatures, and pretend to correct the errors of the Deity by voluntarily 
resigning his rank in the scale of creation ? The statesman asks, if really the 
" most intelligent" people of the world are so besotted as to take seriously the 
political clap-traps of Europe, to pretend that they are no better than negroes, 
and destroy themselves for a sentiment? That Europe, through her large interest 
in American States, has been alarmed lest this should really be so, is manifest 
in the London "Times," which, from a virulent assailant, has lately become the 
efficient defender of American institutions, which were capital staples for abuse 
while there was no danger of losing them, but they really cannot afford to have 
the thing taken seriously. 

The South views the matter in the spirit of Patrick Henry. "The object is 
now, indeed, small, but the shadow is large enough to darken all this fair land." 
They can have no faith in men who profess what they think a great moral prin- 
ciple, and deny that they intend to act upon it. It was the principle of taxation 
without representation that the colonies resisted, and it is the principle of the 
" irrepressible conflict," based avowedly on a " higher law," that the South resists. 
She is now in the position of the Colonies eighty-four years ago, and is adopting 
the same measures that they adopted, viz., non-intercourse. These are now 
derided as they were then, and this even while the effects of the preliminary 
movements are falling heavily upon the Northern workmen. A prompt retreat 
from this dangerous agitation within the shadow of the Constitution, is the only 
means of realizing the rich future, which will be the reward only of harmony, 
good faith, and loyalty to the Constitution. 

T. P. K. 

Nkw York, March 6, 1860. 



CHAPTER I.— Origin of Capital 9 

Labor the source of wealth — Accumulation is capital — Beginning of slavery — Capital mostly of 
slave origin — Disposition of whites to work — Last white slaves of England — Queen Elizabeth 
— Henry VIII. — White emancipation — Negro enslavement — India — First English slave-ships 
— Jamaica — End of slave-trade— Abolition — Profits of 274 years of slave-trade — Failure of 
the abolition scheme — London Times — Exeter Hall — New England schools — Crop of aboli- 
tion—The New England supersedes the Old — New England slave-traders— Commerce of New 
England — Capital slave-earned — Forced into manufactures — Cotton employs shipping. 

CHAPTER II. — Cotton Culture and Manufacture 19 

Steam-engines — Cotton gin and jenny — Whitney — Judge Johnson— Condition of the South — 
Gloomy prospects for slaves— Sudden opening of the future — Product and export of cotton 4 
from 1S0O to 1S60 — Inventions — Start to manufacture — Manufactures in Europe and the Uni- 
ted States — Varieties of cotton— Supply to England — India a consumer — French duty — Dr. 
Livingstone — Cotton used per head — Manchester chamber of commerce — Lord Brougham — 
Bishop of Oxford — Lord Overstone— London Times. 

CHAPTER III. — General Agriculture 42 

New England navigation — Southern slave agriculture — Western free agriculture — Erroneous 
notions about the South — Food per head at the South — West— North— Southern preponder- 
ance — Products per hand — Hay fallacy — Cattle kept — Sugar product per hand— Exchangeable 
value produced at the South — Exports to Northern cities — Northern expenses paid by the 
South — Railroads — Persons employed at the South on railroads — Farm products sent to North- 
ern cities— Sent from N. York to Jamaica — Southern capital improved by local employments. 

CHAPTER IV.— Manufactures 54 

New England naturally sterile — Shipping employments — Female employment — Change in navi- 
gation — Annexation of Louisiana — Erroneous views of Southern employments — Table of cot-' 
ton manufactures in each section — Goods produced South and North — Advantages of the South * 
— General manufacturer's table — New England sales to the South — Protection — Female em-* 
ployment — Slavery driven out of the North — South becoming an exporter — Relative increase 
— Factories in Georgia — Girls employed — Immigration — Mechanics — Large capital brought by 
immigrants — Manufactures sold South — Home manufactures in 1764 — General Lyman — Eng- 
land derided the colonies — New England derides the South — England could conquer the colo- 
nies — The North would conquer the South— Defensive commercial measures at the South — 
Euin for an idea. 

CHAPTER V.— Imports and Exports 67 

Growth of industry — Exports follow production — Carrying trade of New England — Slaves ad- 
justed the Southern balance — Exports grow with Southern products — United States imports 
and exports — Nature of external trade — Annual trade-balance — Operation of duties — United 
States exports — Early exports — Embargo — Progress of cotton — Free trade in England — No 
surplus manufactured for export — Superior natural advantages of the South and West over the*, 
North — Exports mostly of Southern origin — Analysis — Breadstuffs— Sales of goods to the South' ■ 
— Profits of whites at the South — Number who come North — Trade account North and South — 
Various interests concerned — North alone injured by separation — South has materials, food, 
and markets— Clerical mischief-makers— Northern Slave States to supplant New England. 

CHAPTER VI.— Tonnage and Railroads 77 

Ship-building early engages the North— Tonnage in 17th centur)-— Sir Joshua Child— Ships built 
in 17G9— Tonnage in 1820— Increasing size of ships— Fish-eating in New England— Cotton 
supplants fish— Bounties on fish— North has the ships but furnishes no freight— Brooms- 
Tonnage built — Progress in 40 years— One ton to a bale— Fluctuation in tonnage— Cotton the 
regulator— Demand for tons by famine— Mexican war— California— Clipper ships— Owner- 
ship of tonnage— Relative source of freights— New York profits— Ship-building per census — ♦ 
Comparative cost North and South— Railroads— North and South— Table of railroads. • 


CHA1 'TER V [I.— Banking 89 

Commercial charter of bankers— Course of produce— Cotton bills— Concentration of capital In 

N,u York Capital supplied from all quarters-Planters' bills— Capital pours into New York 

r,,r employments-Number and strength of l.anks-Bank balance— New York quarterly re- 

tnatlon of balances— Specie in Southern banks— New York and New Orleans— 

peole Bouth Bills and specie in New Orleans— General exchange system— Effect 

In of capital - South beginning to accumulate— Profits of '• absenteeism " at 
the North— The aggregate would develop manufactures at the South. 

< 1 1 A I TER V [II.— Population 99 

Influence of population— Greater increase of the South— Table of seven census returns— Sec- 
tional progress and Immigration— Nativities of each section— Capital brought by immigrants 
—Irish and Germans perform domestic service— Domestic service degrading at the North— 
■ Ion East to West— Incendiary publications— More Northerners emigrate than Southern- 
ers—Effect of diminished trade— Shoe trade— Export of shoes from Boston South — Climate- 
Deaths— Attractions of the North— Employments of free people— Local industry at the South. 

CHA] TER IX.— Black Race 108 

Principle of individual contribution— Society requires all to produce— Criminals— The white race 
will work, the black will not— Fugitives in Canada— Black laws of the "West— Paupers re- 
quired to work — Connecticut laws— Paupers sold — Dr. Channing— Illusion — Toussaint L'Ou- 
verture— English error ami disappointment — London Times on Jamaica — Mungo Park — 
Lewis— Wist Indies — Negroes never known to hire — Capt. Hamilton — Memorial to the queen 
— Blacks HI. crated— Coolies — State of the blacks — Governor Barkley — Parliamentary debates 
— French Guiana — M. Vacherot — John Bigelow, Esq. — Blacks in United States per census 1790 
to [850 — Aggregate sectional progress — At the North very slow — Northern climate too rigor- 
ous for blacks — Criminals — Black and white — Blacks more vicious at the North — Irish more 
oppressed — Exclusion of free blacks — The antipathies of races. 

CHAPTER X.— Accumulation 126 

South produces— Northern profits — Customs — Bounties — Manufactures — Annual drafts upon the 
South— Fishing bounties — Helper's errors— Valuation of 179S — Progress to 1S50— Great in- 
crease of the South — Farm lands — West— Northern valuations — City growth — Loss upon 
Southern trade— All farms overvalued — Land tenaciously held in Europe — Not so in America 
— "Bonds'' for the free — Southern State returns fur 1S58 — Immense increase — Western State 
valuation for 1SDS— The Southern value sound — The Western value a wreck — Northern State 
valuation — Bank capital — Tonnage — Railroads — Manufactures — Recapitulation — Great prog- 
ress of the South 

CHAPTER XI.— Apportionment 137 

Formation of government — Changed position of slaves — Struggle for power — Representation — 
South on the defence — Northern taunts — Constitutional provisions — Original States all Slave 
States— New England in favor of prolonged slave-trade — Disunion by Massachusetts — Renewal 
— Opposition to new territories — Abolition at the North — Decline of Southern power — Increase 
of Free States— Table of apportionments— Foreign element at the North— Concentration of 
blacks — Texas — Increase of free blacks — Rise in slave value prevents political expansion — 
Concentration of population promo es manufactures — New census — Western railroad interest 
— Immigration diminished— Union is peace — But our interest '-the union." 

CHAPTER XII.— Conclusion 143 

Surpri.-ii>!_' progress — Original States— Resume of facts— Population — Production— Property — 
Northern profits— Federal loans and financial loans — Substitute of population at the North — 
Foreigners mostly servants ami artisans -North concentrates wealth and cheap labor — Party 
motives — Attempts to stir passions — Hon. W. II. Seward — Blacks are property — Early under- 
standing of the constitution — Congress acts upon the idea of property — Mr. Jay — Federal act 
of ISO"— The law determines property— Debate of 1799— Mr. Rutlcdge— H. G. Otis— John 
Adams -Constitution protects slaves— " Concessions" — Farewell Address — Leader of Republi- 
cans— Slaves in territories— Bald sham — 'ystem of irritation — Massachusetts — Black laws of 
the West— Mr. Hoar— u One policy "—Bales to blacks— Concentration of blacks— Blacks too 
valuable to migrate— Duties— Mr. Calhoun— Mr. Webster— Change attitudes— Black tariff 
compromise — Charles O'Conor, Esq. 





The fact that labor is the source of all wealth, has long been 
demonstrated by all schools of economists ; so also have they 
shown that what is called capital, in whatever shape it exists, 
is the surplus of production over consumption. These are very 
plain propositions, but there is another quite as manifest : it is, 
that the unaided labor of a man can produce for him very lit- 
tle more than his own requirements. An individual in the oc- 
cupation of a farm soon finds that unless he can procure other 
labor than his own, no matter how fruitful may be the earth, 
he will have very little surplus at the end of the year, after 
satisfying his own wants. In the early ages of the world, when, 
as is supposed, there were fewer labor-saving machines than 
now, this insufficiency of individual labor was the more marked. 
A man's wealth was then increased in proportion to the num- 
ber of sons he possessed, and who were then, as they are to this 
day, legal slaves until the age of 21. Yery soon the idea pos- 
sessed a strong family to compel others to work for them. It 
was speedily discovered that numbers of persons had no dis- 
position to labor at all if they could help it. It was equally 
obvious that if they did not produce they must still exist at the 
expense of those who did produce. As this could not in jus- 
tice be permitted, the remedy was to force them to labor. The 
production was thus increased, and the surplus enhanced by 
taking care that those slaves should consume less than they 
earned. That system of slavery, with many modifications, has 

10 SoutJiern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

prevailed down to the present time; and all the wealth or capi- 
tal existing has been the result of slave-labor, or of the work- 
ing of capital originally derived from slave-labor. The history 
of the wealth and power of nations is but a record of slave 
products. The monuments of antiquity, the magnificence of the 
modern world, the power of states; the position of nobles and 
the fortunes of individuals, are the results of slave-labor — the 
accumulations from forced servitude. In a free state eacli in- 
dividual enjoys as much as he produces, and it is. only when 
men are compelled to work much, and enjoy comparatively but 
little < >f the proceeds of their labor, that the task-master of many 
accumulates wealth in proportion to the skill with which he 
directs their services. The possessor of many slaves must have 
a lucrative mode of employing them, or he will be ruined by the 
expense of maintaining them. The ancient world was main- 
tained by slaves and enjoyed by patricians. In modern Europe, 
serf-labor, under the feudal system, was universal, and if the 
nobles have now ceased to have an ownership in the man, they 
do not the less surely exact from him his earnings through 
the credit system which has replaced feudality. The soil of 
Europe and of England was, however, unfitted to slave-labor. 
If it was everywhere owned by the nobles, it yielded but little 
under the unintelligent cultivation of the serfs, and capital was 
of very slow growth, notwithstanding that the condition of the 
mass of people was miserable in the extreme. 

It was soon discovered, in the progress of civilization, that 
intelligent white men would produce more in a state of free- 
dom than as serfs ; that the rewards of industry were a suffi- 
cient stimulus to them to labor ; while tithes, taxes, and rents 
were the ready means of exacting more of the proceeds of labor 
from the freeman than could be obtained from the serfs. The 
restraints upon individuals were then gradually relaxed, while 
the most severe means were taken to compel idlers to work. 
"Sturdy beggars" were not only visited with the severe penal - 
ties of the law, but those who harbored and relieved them were 
punished ; while " work-houses" were the recipients of those ar- 
rested and those who required alms. 

The slave system gradually faded out, — the sovereigns, as 
they wanted money from time to time, selling freedom to the 
slaves. The last record of transactions of this nature was in 
1574, by Queen Elizabeth. Sixty years previously, " Bluif 
King Hal," being short of funds, had " made a raise" on the 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 11 

freedom of some of his slaves. As this is a curious fact, but 
little known, we transcribe the law. 

A manumission granted by Henry VIII. , to two persons, 
ran as follows : 

" Whereas, originally, God created all men free ; but after- 
ward the laws and customs of nations subjected some under the 
yoke of servitude, we think it pious and meritorious with God, 
to make certain persons absolutely free from servitude who are at 
present under villenage to us ; wherefore we do now accordingly 
manumit and free from yoke of servitude Henry Knight, a tailor, 
and John Erie, a husbandman, our slaves, as being born in our 
manor of Stoke Clymmy Slande, in our county of Cornwall, to- 
gether with all their issue born or hereafter to be born, so as 
the said two persons, with their issue, shall henceforth be 
deemed by us and our heirs free and of free condition." — 
Faidera, v., xiii., p. 470. 

This wonderfully pious prince became suddenly " republi- 
can," it appears, when he found that Henry Knight would pay 
for such an exercise of piety. It is a pity that this devout 
mood should not have lasted 20 years later, to save the head of 
Anne Boleyn from forfeiture for too much alleged freedom. 
Sixty years later, the " Good Queen Bess," being sorely impe- 
cunious, bethought her of the profitable piety of old Hal, and 
directed a commission to her Lord Treasurer Burghley and Sir 
Walter Mildmay, Chancellor of her Exchequer, for inquiring 
into the condition. of all her bondmen and bondwomen in the 
counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, and Gloucester, or 
such as were by " birth of slavish condition," by being born in 
any of her manors ; and to compound with such bondmen and 
bondwomen in those counties for their manumission, and to 
enjoy their chattels, &c, as freemen. By this exhibition of 
republicanism the respectable old spinster raised a considerable 
sum of money for her own enjoyment. Those bondmen, how- 
ever, fared worse than " black brothers" 260 years later, since 
they had to pay for their freedom, and the " darkies" were dis- 
charged and " hired over again at better wages." 

It is a little remarkable that the preamble of the law of 
Henry VIII. begins with almost the identical phrase that heads 
the Declaration of American Independence. It is to be sup- 
posed that Mr. Jefferson had diligently followed the slow course 
of human emancipation in England, and was duly impressed 
with the fact announced by the king in respect of men; but 

12 South.rn Wealth and Northern Profits. 

th, idea does Dot seem to have occurred to either that before 
the emancipation of "men" Bhould have become perfected, 
zealots would have descended a grade in the scale of creation 
to embrace an inferior race in a common right of freedom. As 
•• Revolutions uever go backward," race after race of animals 
may expect their turn of emancipation, since the same argu- 
ment, that all are born free, applies to all. Naturally, all were 
born tree; but it was to serve the common end of creation that 
they are made useful to man by domestication. In his free 
state, aniid the wilds of Africa, the negro, to this day, is no 
more useful to man than the gorilla, the gorilla than the orang- 
outang, the latter than the chimpanzee, and so down to the 
little ape, which obeys the law of creation in being domesti- 
cated to the service of the Savoyard organists. The discovery 
of the usefulness of the negro was made at about the date in 
which the respectable Elizabeth sold freedom to her white 
slaves. The use which England made of that discovery was to 
prosecute it during 274 years, in the course of which 5,000,000 
negroes were caught and put to labor. Nearly all the com- 
?//■ rrial wealth of England at this day is due to those negroes. 
But that was not the only cause of the rapid increase of British 
wealth in the last century. During countless ages there had 
existed 200,000,0; ;0 laborious and frugal slaves to local despots 
in India, when Give, with the vanguard of the English, burst 
in upon them, in 1756. Those people had accumulated fabu 
wealth ; and the instant the English took possession, the 
transfer of that wealth to England commenced. Numberless 
individuals were sent thither to be enriched, and they returned 
to England in great numbers, with vast fortunes. The prop- 
erty so transferred has been estimated, on data afforded by the 
India trade, at 2000 millions of dollars, from the battle of 
Plassy, 1757, to 1830. The mere operations of the India Com- 
pany were as nothing compared with the wealth acquired by 
England in this transfer of private fortunes. This process was 
simultaneous with the vigorous prosecution of the slave-trade, 
which gave such vast capital to the British Islands. 

In the year 1561, Sir John Hawkins fitted out three vessels, 
of 40, 60, and 1 20 tons, with English goods, for Guinea, where 
he exchanged the goods for negroes, sold the latter in His- 
paniola, and brought home hides, sugar, and ginger. Tins was 
the origin of that immense trade which England prosecuted 
with such success during 274 years. The profits in 1689 were 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 13 

already so large, and the trade had so extended the English 
marine, that a convention was held in London, bv which Ens- 
land undertook to supply the Spanish West Indies with slaves. 
From that time the trade took large dimensions. In 1713 the 
South Sea Company contracted to supply 4800 negroes per 
annum, for 30 years. The enormous development of the trade 
may be estimated from an official letter of General O'Hara, 
Governor of Senegambia, in 1760. It states that for 50 years 
past there had been shipped from the country " 70,000 negroes 
per annum of its prime inhabitants," whence he concludes the 
great population of the continent. In the year 1768, a British 
report gives the number shipped for that year, from the west 
coast of Africa, between Cape Blanco and Rio Congo, at 97,100, 
of which 53,100 were by British, and 6,700 by American 
vessels. ' 

Under the convention with Spain the Island of Jamaica be- 
came a great depot, and the island progressed as follows : 

Negroes. Population. 

Imported. Exported. White. Black. 

1702 7,644 

to 1752 i52,328 

" 1762 229,443 45,7o5 i5,ooo 146,464 

" 1774 497.736 137,114 16.000 220,000 

" 1787 609.241 166,076 23,000 256,ooo 

" 1791 708,318 ...... 

" 1807 1,128,400 37,i52 373,4o5 

These figures are from various British official reports. In 
1719 a duty of 5s. per head was laid on the import into Ja- 
maica; in 1720 it was raised to 10s., and 20s. on exportation. 
In 1774 the number of blacks in the island had become alarm- 
ingly large, and there was imposed a duty of £2 10s., and 
raised to £5 before the close of the year. This excited the op- 
position of the English slave-traders, and on their appeal to 
Parliament the duty was abrogated. That movement, how- 
ever, caused an inquiry by Parliament into the slave-trade, and 
the movement, gathering force and strength by the example of 
the United States, in prohibiting the slave-trade after 1808, 
finally resulted in its prohibition by Parliament, in 1807. Thus 
ended the traffic that had been begun by the British in 1561. 
The results of this traffic upon British wealth are easily esti- 
mated. As seen above, there were imported into Jamaica, in 
the 18th century, 1,128,400 blacks, selling at an average, by 
official tables, of £30 each. The number imported in the 140 
years up to the 18th century is put at 600,000, and into all other 

1 4 Southern VTcalth and Northern Profits. 

colonies at 1,000,000; making, together, 2,728,400 negroes; 
which, at £30 cadi, realized £81,852,000, or $450,000,000 : but 
it' each black produced, during liis life, but 8 times his own 
cost, the amount of wealth sent to England was 3600 millions 
of dollars, or a sum exceeding the present national debt. In 
estimating the value of the island in 1788, the commercial ex- 
port value was put down at £5,400,000 ; and 12 years' purchase 
gave £64,600,000 as the value of the island. That rate, for 
100 years, gives £540,000,000, and at half the rate for the pre- 
vious 170 years, the aggregate would be £810,000,000, or 
4000 millions dollars. We have, then, the following results of 
the India and slave operations of the 18th century : 

Realized from India $2,000,000,000 

" " slaves and islands 3,600,000,000 

Total capital $5,600,000,000 

This vast capital poured into the lap of England was the 
source of its greatness and of the sudden development of power 
and wealth which took date from the middle of the 18th 

The effects of this capital become surprising when we turn 
to the British population tables. 

Population of England and Wales. 

Tear, Population. ' Year. Population. 

1086 1 ,000,000 

1670 6,000,000 

1693 8,000,000 

1700 5 , 1 3 4 . 5 1 6 

1750 6,039,684 

1770 7,227,586 

1790 8.54o,738 

1800 8,894,536 

1 85o 1 7,907,409 

The population, for 1086, is that of Doomsday book ; that of 
1695 is by d'Avenant. The figures for the 18th century are in 
" Porter's Progress," vol. i., page 14. The result is, that up to 
the close of the 18th century, the population of England and 
Wales was stationary. It required 700 years to rise from one 
to five millions, showing the severe struggles for life the people 
had, until the wealth we have pointed out flowed in upon 
them. That wealth stimulated industry of all kinds, and, aided 
by inventions, has so improved the condition of the people, that 
the population gained more in the first 50 years of the present 
century, 15 of them of war, than in the previous 800 years. 

Although England discontinued the slave-trade in 1807, it 
was not until 30 years later that slavery was abolished. The 
islands had become stocked with laborers, and the false princi- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 15 

pie was assumed, that, as the whites had become more indus- 
trious and productive in a state of freedom than in a state of 
slavery, the blacks would do so also, and thus develop a large 
market for goods. This idea, in connection with the fact that 
the British system of slavery was enormously expensive for the 
suppression of insurrection, brought about emancipation. After 
enslaving negroes for 274 years, they discovered that the black 
was a "man and a brother." They freed him, petted him, en- 
couraged him ; the papers and preachers lied for him. They 
said, if he did not work, it was only the natural rest that one 
generation wanted, after the fatigues of their progenitors. 
A singularly long rest, certainly, and a new generation has 
shown a disposition to prolong the rest, while ruin stares them 
in the face. At last, after 25 years' experience, the London 
Times, which worked so hard to bring about abolition, finally 
breaks down as follows : 

" There is no blinking the truth. Years of bitter experience; 
years of hope deferred ; of self-devotion unrequited ; of pov- 
erty ; pf humiliation ; of prayers unanswered ; of sufferings 
derided ; of insults unresented ; of contumely patiently en- 
dured, have convinced us of the truth. It must be spoken out 
loudly and energetically, despite the wild mockings of ' howl- 
ing cant.' The freed West India slave will not till the soil for 
wages ; the free son of the ex-slave is as obstinate as his sire. 
He will not cultivate lands which he has not bought for his 
own. Yams, mangoes, and plantains — those satisfy his wants ; 
he cares not for yours. Cotton, sugar, coffee, and tobacco, he 
cares but little for. And what matters it to him that the 
Englishman has sunk his thousands and tens of thousands on 
mills, machinery, and plants, which now totter on the languish- 
ing estate that for years has only returned beggary and debt. 
He eats his yams, and sniggers at ' Buckra.' 

" We know not why this should be, but it is so. The negro 
has been bought with a price — the price of English taxation 
and English toil. He has been redeemed from bondage by the 
sweat and travail of some millions of hard-working Englishmen. 
Twenty millions of pounds sterling — one hundred millions of 
dollars — have been distilled from the brains and muscles of the 
free English laborer, of every degree, to fashion the West In- 
dia negro into a ' free, independent laborer.' ' Free and inde- 
pendent' enough he has become, God knows, but laborer he is 
not ; and, so far as we can see, never will be. He will sing 
hymns and quote texts, but honest, steady industry he not only 
detests, but despises. We wish to Heaven that some people in 
England — neither government people, nor parsons, nor clergy- 

16 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

men, but some just-minded, honest-hearted, and clear-sighted 
men — would go oul to some of the islands (say Jamaica, Do- 
minica, or Antigua), — not for a month, or three months, but for 
a year, would watch the precious protege of English philanthro- 
py, the freed uegro, in his daily habits; would watch him as 
he lazily plants his little squatting; would see him as he 
proudly rejects agricultural or domestic services, or accepts it 
only at wages ludicrously disproportionate to the value of his 
work. We wish, too, they would watch him, while, with a 
hide thicker than a hippopotamus, and a body to which fervid 
heat is a comfort rather than an annoyance, lie droningly 
lounges over the prescribed task, over which the intrepid Eng- 
lishman, uninured to the burning sun, consumes his impatient 
energy, and too often sacrifices his life. We wish they would 

fo out and view the negro in all the blazonry of his idleness, 
is pride, his ingratitude, contemptuously sneering at the in- 
dustry of that race which made him free, and then come home 
and teach the memorable lesson of their experience to the 
fanatics who have perverted him into what he is." 

The great wealth acquired by England from slavery and 
India enabled her to carry through the wars with Napoleon, and 
to put in motion the vast machinery which now manufactures 
clothing for the world. It will be observed that simultaneously 
with the receipts of the slave and India money began the credit 
system. The fortunes so derived were loaned to the govern- 
ment, and William began the national debt. That debt was 
for the most part spent in England, employing labor, but cre- 
ating a moneyed aristocracy which draws $150,000,000 yearly 
from the people. 

The supplies of blacks in the colonies were large, at a time 
when there was no work like that of the cotton culture to give 
unlimited expansion to their labor, and they were becoming a 
burden. The cessation of the slave-trade caused a reaction, and 
the demand for more labor has since increased to a positive in- 
convenience. When British philanthropy, taking a lesson from 
" old Hal" and " Bess," adopted the idea of investing in negro 
freed* >m, it simultaneously set to work to operate upon the north- 
ern classes, in New England, and that in the true Jesuit style. 
That sagacious body of men always educated youth in the 
principles they meant to spread. The Exeter Hall Jesuits did 
not neglect that mode. The religious sentiment of New Eng- 
land caused Sunday-schools to become very popular in that 
section, and through these Exeter Hall operated. Teachers 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 17 

were found, who, by tracts, precepts, lectures, readings, and in- 
culcations of all sorts, impressed the youthful mind of the North 
with those sentiments, which they foresaw would, at no distant 
day, produce fruits. The leaders of British aristocracy are 
foremost in recognizing the first budding of that stem, which, 
if it produces only an apple of discord in this detested Repub- 
lic, will have repaid the care in planting. Until party politics 
discovered the use which could be made of the sentiment thus 
long and laboriously sown and nurtured, it was harmless. Sin- 
gularly enough, however, that Providence which formed the 
black slave and his white master, and which so strangely inter- 
poses at times for the salvation of the Union, has caused to be 
demonstrated the slave nature of the black, through the ex- 
periment of England, at the very moment their machinations 
have brought the Union into danger. 

"We have seen how rapidly the population and wealth of Eng- 
land, after slumbering for 700 years, began to develop itself 
under the influence of slave-acquired capital. The American 
Union presents a similar marvel, and from a similar cause. 
The bands of pilgrims who made settlements in different parts 
of the country, early in the 17th century, had slowly multi- 
plied their numbers up to the era of Independence. In 170 
years, up to 1790, the Pilgrims of New England had increased 
to 1,000,823 souls ; and in the same period — that is, from the 
settlement of the colonies to the settlement of the federal 
compact — the number in all the colonies had reached only to 
3,331,730 white souls, and the blacks, under the active supply 
kept up by the British merchants, had only reached 617,817. 
The capital of the country had hardly increased even in the 
slow ratio of the population ; on the other hand, the colonies 
came out of the war exhausted. The moment the separation 
took place, however, New England became, to the South and 
slave-labor, what Britain had been. The population and wealth 
of the country have since advanced in a ratio which, in 50 
years, has made the former equal to tlftit of England, while, if 
the wealth is not so great in the aggregate, it is better dis- 
tributed, because a greater number of manufacturers partici- 
pate in the profits of slave-labor. 

The North American colonies were supplied with slaves by 
England, who drew thence the produce of their labor. While 
600,000 slaves were at work raising produce to send to Eng- 
land, she did not permit manufactories, and the colonies, after 


18 Southern W< <! I th and Northern Profits. 

200 years of servitude, presented the same aspect as the West 
in, li.s. An enormous wealth had been produced here, but it 
wus conveyed to England, leaving the place of production as 
poor :is ever. It is urged, sometimes, that emancipation did 
not injure Jamaica, since it was ruined before that event. 
Thai is no doubt true. It had been used only as an instru- 
ment, and, after 200 years' labor, it still retained only worn-out 
land and negroes. The North American colonies were in the 
same position. The wealth they had produced, ornaments 
London and gilds St. James's. The dilapidated towns of Ja- 
maica shelter idle negroes, who live on the spontaneous prod- 
ucts of the earth, while they relapse into barbarism. The 
American colonies were equally exhausted after 200 years of 
industry, but the 600,000 blacks have since been made steadily 
to produce an increasing ratio of wealth, even as their numbers 
have swollen to 4,000,000 ; and, instead of ruin, they vie with 
the mother country in prosperity. The American colonies had 
insisted upon a cessation of the slave-trade, because they were 
overrun with blacks for whom they had no adequate employ- 
ment. The crown refused. The separation took place, and 
from that moment the New England States assumed the po- 
sition, in regard to slavery, which Great Britain had previously 
occupied. The New England States owned the shipping, and 
enjoyed the slave-trade. They accumulated capital in both ; 
and when the convention. met to frame the Constitution, it was 
as a concession to New England interests that the trade was 
continued to 1808. The Duke de Rochefoucault Liancourt, 
travelling in the United States in 1795, remarks : 

" Nearly 20 vessels from the harbors of the northern States 
are employed in the importation of negroes to Georgia and the 
West India isles. The merchants of Rhode Island are the con- 
ductors of this accursed traffic, which they are determined to 
persevere in until the year 1808, the period fixed for its final 
termination. They ship one negro for every ton burden." 

The fisheries, the export of lumber and fish to the West 
Indies in exchange for sugar and molasses, the carrying of 
tobacco, indigo, &c, from the South to England, thence to 
Africa, and home with a cargo of slaves, were the chief means 
of employing the shipping of the New England and the Middle 
States, which were owners of nearly all the shipping of the 
Union. If the French wars, by throwing the carrying trade 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 19 

into the hands of neutrals, were a great benefit to the ship-owners 
as well as to the farmers of the middle States, the difficulties 
that led to the embargo of 1800, and subsequently the war of 
1812, were felt only the more severely by that interest, since 
both the slave-trade and the carrying trade were lost together, 
and the war was denounced as the cause of all the difficulties 
that resulted. It followed that the large capital that had been 
accumulated in that trade, thus forcibly driven from com- 
merce, betook itself to manufacturing, and the " free traders" 
of New England became clamorous for " protection." Since 
then the capital earned in commerce and in the slave-trade has 
enjoyed a monopoly of navigating, importing, and manufac- 
turing for the South, getting large pay, swollen by protective 
duties, in the proceeds of slave-labor. In the mean time, if the 
South had ceased to employ northern shipping for the impor- 
tation of negroes, it began to furnish a much more extensive 
employment for it in the exportation of cotton. 



We have seen that England, in the course of her colonial 
system, had, by furnishing goods and slaves, and enjoying the 
carrying trade of her dependencies, acquired a vast capital, 
while the colonies that produced that wealth had accumulated 
nothing — they had, in fact, become poorer. The operation was 
the same as if an individual, owning a town-house and a farm 
of perhaps 200 acres, should employ persons to work the latter, 
and draw from it all its proceeds for the use of his town-house. 
If the farm should give $000 per annum, in ten years he would 
have added $6000 to the value of his city mansion ; but at the 
end of that time the farm would simply be exhausted, its land 
and implements worn out. It was thus with Jamaica and the 
West Indies at the date of emancipation, and with the North 
American colonies at the date of the separation. At that date, 
however, three events occurred which were to change the face 
of the world. These were the inventions of the steam-engine, 
the cotton-jenny, and the cotton-gin. The two former gave 
employment to the vast capital of England in manufactures ; 

20 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

and llif latter, while it supplied the material of that manufac- 
ture, opened a new future t<> the United States, and laid out for 
the blacks work which lias ever since increased before tliem. 
The blacks, numerous as they were at the South, had no em- 
ployment thai paid their support; cotton was indeed grown, 
liui the difficulty of cleaning it from the seed was so great that 
a man could prepare hut one pound per day for market. In 
1793, Eli Whitney invented a cotton-gin -which would clean 
350 Lbs. per dav. From that moment the cotton culture was 
established, and work was laid out for not only the 600,000 ne- 
groes then on hand, hut for more than all the increase since in 
their number; at the same moment, nearly, a demand for the 
cotton was created by the inventions of Watt, Arkwright, and 
1 1 argraves, which furnished employment for the capital of Eng- 
land, and a large portion of her population, in manufacturing 
clothing for the world, and in employing her shipping in ex- 
changing that clothing for the products of all nations. The 
state of affairs that existed at the South at the moment of those 
inventions, is well described by Judge Johnson, in his charge 
in a suit brought by Whitney in Savannah, in 1807, to make 
good his patent. 

"The whole of the interior," said Judge Johnson, "was lan- 
guishing, and its inhabitants were emigrating, for want of some 
object to engage their attention and employ their industry, 
when the invention of this machine at once opened views to 
them which set the whole country in active motion: From 
childhood to age, it has presented to us a lucrative employ- 
ment. Individuals who were depressed w T ith poverty and sunk 
in idleness, have suddenly risen to wealth and respectability. 
Our debts have been paid off, our capitals have increased, and 
our lands trebled in value. We cannot express the weight of 
obligation which the country owes to this invention. The ex- 
tent of it cannot now be seen." 

This clearly indicates the exhausted state in which 200 years 
of colonial dependence had left the colonies, and also foreshad- 
ows a future which, as we shall see, has been more than justi- 
fied in the event. 

It w r as the gloomy state of affairs then existing which caused 
the fathers of the Revolution to take so desponding a view of 
the future of slavery. They did not foresee the brilliant future 
which cotton was to draw from that service. With the opera- 
tion of the cotton-gin the culture began to extend, but with its 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 21 

extension the price suffered a decline, for the reason that down 
to within ten years the supply rather exceeded the demand. 
Nevertheless, the increase in value has been enormous. 

The value of cotton has always been much influenced by 
the state of the crops in Europe. When food is dear, as a 
general thing, in a manufacturing country dependent upon 
foreign supplies of bread, a short harvest causes such a rise in 
its price as to absorb the earnings of the mass of people for its 
purchase. It results from this that the purchases of clothing 
are much lessened, the raw material is less in demand, and its 
price falls. Naturally this decline acts upon wages, and there 
is less employment, at lower rates. Thus the end of dear food 
is the cause of less means to buy it ; a double distress is thus 
produced, which tells powerfully upon the price of cotton, as 
well as- of other raw materials. The column of prices follows 
this rule. In 1845, the first famine year, the rate was 5.9 
cents, and, as the price of bread fell, it rose to 12.1 in 1851, 
and again fell as food rose during the Crimean war, and has 
since well maintained its rate. 

The following table shows the crops, distinguishing the At- 
lantic from the Gulf States, the exported quantity and value, 
the price per pound, and the number of blacks at each census. 

Product and Export of Cotton. 

-Export. Export. Price. 



-Crop— Bales- 


1800. . 


1824. . 

'.'. 3 3 3, Vis 


5o 9 ,i58 


. . 522.062 




. . 493,403 




.. 642.287 




. . 769.948 



i85o. . 

.. 731,271 



1 85 1 . . 

. . 742,846 

1,612,41 1 


1 852.. 

. . 83 9 .625 




. . 871.712 

2. 391.170 


1 854.. 

. . 788.649 



i855. . 

. . 942,766 



i856. . 

. . 910,192 



1 S57 • 

.. 77i,n6 



iS58. . 

. . 746,562 


3,i 13,962 

1 859 . . 

..1,11 1,934 




. . 1 ,480,000 





U. States. 




















1 1.3 


1 1 2,3 1 5,3 1 7 

12. 11 




1, 11 1,570,370 









1 ,35i ,43 1,701 






1.1 18,624,012 





1 1.40 

1, i65,6oo,ooo 



The value here given is the export value, according to the 
official returns of the Treasury department ; the value of the 
whole crop runs much higher. That of this year, I860, will 
reach 4,300,000 bales — 3,200,000 having already been received, 
and sold at a value of $54 per bale. At the same valuation, 
the whole will be worth $232,000,000, or $60 for every black 

22 Southern Wealth and Northern, Profits. 

hand. This value has grown up, as we shall see, in addition to 
all other agricultural produce, and in face of the constant de- 
cline in pri.r. The war of 1812 affected prices much, produ- 
cing a great difference in value between Liverpool and the 
Unite 1 Staler. That " perturbation" was the source of some 
immense northern fortunes, by enabling those with means to 
buy and hold for the peace, with the return of which the cul- 
ture resumed its course, and the quantity, which had reached 
509,15s bales in 1824, was doubled in 1831. In the ten years 
ending with 1840 it had again doubled in quantity, involving 
a very great decline in price. The discovery in those years 
that the bottom lands of the valley of the Mississippi could 
raise cotton much cheaper than the Atlantic States, caused a 
great speculative excitement, which was fostered by the strug- 
gle that took place between the late National Bank and the 
federal government. The planters, many of them young, with 
gangs of hands from the paternal estates, migrated to the new 
lands and entered upon the culture, through bank aid. The 
lands and the hands being mortgaged, these mortgages were 
constituted bank capital under State charters, and State loans 
were issued in aid of them. The loans were to a considerable 
extent negotiated through the United States Bank, and it is 
somewhat curious that the bank-charter mortgages upon ne- 
groes by name found ready negotiation in London " at a price," 
notwithstanding the anti-slavery furor which was then there in 
its zenith. Loans upon American slaves were " as easy" as the 
loan to free the West India blacks. The money thus borrowed 
was loaned out to the planters, whose cotton was pledged to 
the lenders. The extent of this operation may be estimated by 
the figures furnished by the census and Treasury returns. The 
following table gives the number of blacks and whites in the 
cotton States, the crops of cotton, distinguishing the Gulf from 
the Atlantic States, and the bank capital of the Gulf States. 

In the table, the population of the four Atlantic States in- 
creased regularly up to 1S30, as did also that of the six western 
State's. Florida gave a return first in 1830, and Texas not un- 
til 1850, although before its admission into the Union that State 
was a large recipient of blacks and whites, following the re- 
vulsion of 1839. From 1830 to 1810, the four Atlantic States 
scarcely increased at all, either in blacks or whites. In the 
corresponding period, the western States increased 70 per cent, 
in slaves, and 40 per cent, in whites. 

Soutltern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


The speculation subsided in 1840, leaving a very healthy 
state of affairs ; but it will be observed that the production did 
not increase very rapidly in the ten years to 1850, although the 
value gradually improved. In the last ten years, however, an 
immense progress has been made in the production and value 
of cotton. Not only has the increased number of hands added 
to the production, but the number of bales per hand that can 
be raised has risen from 1 and 5, to 8 and 10 per hand in some 
localities — while, as a whole, the South has been free from 
speculation, but has accumulated a large capital. 

Population, Bank Loans, and Crop of the Cotton States. 

, 1S20. > , -1S30. v 

White. Black. White. Black. 

Virginia 603.074 422,1 53 694, 3oo 469,737 

North Carolina 419.200 205,017 472,843 245,601 

South Carolina 237,440 258, 4j5 257.863 3i5,4oi 

Georgia 189.566 149.656 296,806 217, 53i 

1,449,280 i,o38,3oi 1,721,812 1,248,290 

Florida 18, 385 i5,5oi 

Alabama 96,245 47.439 190.406 117.549 

Mississippi 42.176 32, 814 70,443 65,659 

Louisiana 73.3S3 69.064 89,441 109,588 

Arkansas 12.579 1.617 25,671 4.376 

Tennessee 339.927 80.107 535.746 i4i.6o3 

Kentucky 434.644 126,732 517,787 i65,2i3 

998,954 ^57,773 1,447,879 619,689 

1810. . , 1S50. . 

White. Black. White. Black. 

Virginia 740.968 448.987 894,800 472.528 

North Carolina 484,870 245,817 553, 028 288,548 

South Carolina 239.084 327. o38 274.563 384,984 

Georgia 407,693 280,944 521,372 38 1,682 

1,892,617 1,302,786 2.243.963 1,527,742 

Florida. 27.943 25.717 47-2o3 39J10 

Alabama 335,i85 253,532 426,314 342,844 

Mississippi 179.070 195,211 293,711 309,878 

Louisiana 1 58,437 16S.432 255.491 244,809 

Texas ...... i54,o34 58,i6i 

Arkansas 77.174 19.935 162,189 47, 100 

Tennessee 640,627 iS3.o5 9 756.836 239,459 

Kentucky 590,233 182,268 761^413 210,981 

2,008,709 1,028,164 2,859,391 1,492,342 

1S30. JS40. 1850. 

Bank capital $3, 7 56.643 $i3,2i4,025 $28,707,341 

Gulf cotton crop 348,353 1,535,654 i,345,43i 

Total 870,40 2,i77,83i 2,096,206 

When the cotton-gin of Whitney laid out the future work 
of the blacks, the steam-engine of Watt, and the jenny of Har- 
graves, with the improvements of Arkwright and Crompton, 
laid out the future manufacturing industry of England and the 
mode of employing her capital. 

The old mode of preparing the cleaned cotton for spinning 


24 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

was by carding it between two flat cards in the hands of an 
individual, in order to straighten out the fibres as much as 
possible. The material so carded was spun by a wheel worked 
with cue hand to give velocity to a single spindle that spun a 
thread from the cotton held upon a distaff in the left band of 
the operator. The thread thus produced was irregular, and 
served only as a woof for linen warp. By a new invention 
the cards were placed upon a revolving drum, which operated 
against several rollers also covered with cards. The action of 
these rollers distributed the cotton in a fleecy web upon the 
surface. This was removed from the last roller by an instru- 
ment which caused the cotton to come off in long rolls ready 
for spinning. Arkwright added rollers that were to " draw " 
these rolls as they were carded, so as, by making the fibres of 
cotton more parallel to each other, to increase the fineness and 
regularity of the thread. The invention of Hargraves, in 
1764, was to put 8 spindles in a frame, and draw the ends in a 
clasp held by the operator. The number was soon raised to 
80 spindles. Samuel Crompton, yi^JT^C^added the "mule 
spinner." The effect of all these inventions was, that, whereas 
one man could clean 1 lb. of cotton, another card it, and another 
work one spindle, one man might now clean 360 lbs., another 
card it, and the third work 2 200 s pindles instead of one. 

These English inventions' were ^arexLOiis. ,to the ItmericarT in- 
vention of the gin, and their utility depended altogether upon 
the latter. The anxiety then took possession of the mind of the 
English manufacturer in relation to a supply of material, which 
now, after 70 years, is as active as ever. Hitherto the demand 
has, as we have seen, developed black industry. 

From that moment, the accumulated capital of England, 
New and Old, became engaged in the gigantic operation of 
clothing the world with cotton. Hand-loom goods were every- 
where to be supplanted by those formed on the new principle. 
When Watt started his engine, mechanical genius seemed to 
have sprung suddenly into life, and each subsequent year wit- 
nessed some improvement in machinery, by which the texture 
of cloth has been improved, and its cost diminished. Chem- 
istry has as rapidly multiplied the number and richness of 
colors. The art of applying them, by steel dies and copper 
cylinders, has improved, until 10 colors are imparted at ono 
impression, m< ire perfectly than was one 40 years ago ; and the 
perfection of the designs is equalled only by the excellence of 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 25 

the execution. With each improvement in texture and design 
and colors, the fabric is produced at less cost, because a class 
of persons who formerly did not produce at all, are now the 
chief manufacturers. Steam-engines and young females clothe 
the world. 

The export of cotton goods from Great Britain, in 1800, was 
valued at £3,002,488, official value. Since 1814, the accounts 
have been kept in "declared" or real value, as well as in the 
official value, which was fixed a century or more since. The 
official value expresses more quantity than value, and a com- 
parison of the official with the declared shows the decline in 
prices. The progress of the trade has been as follows : 

Liverpool price of 

Official. Declared. Upland cotton. 

1814 £i7,655,37S £2o,i33,i32 3o</. 

1820 22. 531.079 i6,5i6,758 ii 1 '.. 

i83o 41,000.969 19,335971 6"' a 

1840 73.i24.73o 24.668.618 6 

l85o 11.3,718.401 28.2.57,401 7" 4 

i856 163,887,196 38,232.741 6 

i858 169,201,107 42,797,000 7 l ,' 2 

In 1S14 the real was in excess of the official value. In 1856 
the latter had increased nearly tenfold, while the real was only 
24 per cent, of it. This indicates a progressive decline of TO 
per cent, in the price of the goods. 

The mode in which the manufacturers progress was thus 
stated in a paper read recently by Mr. David Chadwick. before 
the London Statistical Society : 

"In 1859 the average rate of wages of a spinner on a pair of 
unimproved mules, of 400 spindles each, in producing No. 70's 
yarn, are 5s. Id. per 20 lbs. ; his gross weekly earnings, 41s. ; 
and deducting piecer's wages, 16s., the spinner's net wages are 
25s. The same workman, with a pair of ' double-deckers,' with 
1600 spindles, and more piecers, earns 3s. ll\d. per 20 lbs., 
50s. ]Qd. per week ; or, deducting 20s. for piecers' wage-, a net 
amount of 30s. Wd. weekly. Of the 3046 cotton factories in 
England and Wales, in 1856, 1480 were situated in Lancashire : 
23 new mills are now in course of erection in Blackburn and its 
neighborhood, and, notwithstanding various restrictions on the 
employment of young persons, and the reduction of the hours 
of labor for adults (by the Ten Hours Act of June, 1847), from 
69 to 60 hours weekly, the import of raw cotton increased 
from 616,000,000 lbs., "in 1844, to 1,034,060,000 lbs. in 1858; 
while the value of exports of cotton manufactured goods, and 

26 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

cotton twist and yarns, increased from 26 millions sterling in 
L844, to 43 millions sterling in 1858, — an extension of one 
branch of trade in 14 years unparalleled in the history of any 
country in the world." 

While the British cotton trade lias thus been developed, that 
of the United States and Europe has increased, also, until its 
magnitude last year may be seen in the following table: 

Cotton Manufactures of Europe and the United States. 

No. of Hands Lbs. cotton 

factories. employed. Spindles. use//. 

Great Britain 3,046 65o,ooo 21,000,000 990,000,000 

France 2,600 274,830 5,5oo,ooo 140,000,000 

Switzerland i32 51,908 i,ii2,3o3 3o, 000, 000 

Zollverein 208 110,190 2, 018, 536 65, 000, 000 

Austria 90 32.010 655, 000 2:1,000,000 

11m 28 2S.000 5l0,000 3l. 000, 000 

Lombardy 33 29.000 140,000 10,000,000 

Sardinia 17 14.000 210.000 17.000.000 

Russia 55 60,000 1,100,000 63, 000, 000 

United States 90 1 01. 000 6,000,000 426,719.000 

i,35o,938 38,245,839 1,797,719,000 

This number of hands embraces only those directly employed 
in the manufacture, and is exclusive of all those who are en- 
gaged in transporting the material to the spinners; in distrib- 
uting the goods produced, through all the gradations of trade, 
to the hands of the consumers ; and also in the movement of 
the produce and merchandise received in exchange for the 
goods ; also all the banking, exchange, and insurance business 
which grows out of this movement. 

The quantity of cotton so consumed was nearly 300,000,000 
His. in excess of the United States' production, yet the Southern 
States are the sole dependence of England, Europe, and the 
United States for a supply of cotton clothing. The question of 
future cotton supply is one that, as the above figures indicate, 
may well occupy the minds of the manufacturers. There are 
many sources of supply, but the United States alone furnish 
more than they consume, and alone produce the requisite qual- 
ity. In order to understand this, we give the following paper 
upon the subject, read by J. B. Smith, Esq., member for Stock- 
port, before the Society of Arts. 

" Every one seems adequately impressed with the desirable- 
ness, not to say the necessity, of extending and multiplying to 
the utmost possible extent, the sources whence we derive the 
supply of this raw material of our greatest national manufac- 
ture. But one branch of the question, though a most essential 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 27 

one, appears to have been nearly overlooked. We need not 
only a large supply and a cheap supply, but a supply of a pe- 
culiar kind and quality. 

" For practical purposes, and to facilitate the comprehension 
of the subject by nun-professional readers, we may state in 
general terms that the cotton required for the trade of Great 
Britain may be classified into three divisions — the long-staple, 
the medium- staple, and the short-staple. 

" 1. The long-staple (or long-fibre) cotton is used for making 
the warp, as it is technically called ; i. e., the longitudinal 
threads of the woven tissue. These threads, when of the finer 
sorts — for all numbers, say above 50's — must be made of long 
staple-cotton ; for numbers below 50's, they may be made of 
it, and would be so made were it as cheap as the lower quali- 
ties of the raw material. No other quality of cotton is strong 
enough or long enough either to spin into the higher and finer 
numbers, or to sustain the tension and friction to which the 
threads are exposed in the loom. 

" 2. The medium-staple cotton, on the contrary, is used 
partly for the lower numbers of the warp (and, as such, enters 
largely into the production of the vast quantities of ' cotton 
yarn' and sewing-thread exported), but mainly for the weft, or 
transverse threads of the woven tissue. It is softer and silkier 
than the quality spoken of above, makes a fuller and rounder 
thread, and fills up the fabric better. The long-staple article 
is never used for this purpose, and could not, however cheap, 
be so used with advantage ; it is ordinarily too harsh. For 
the warp, strength and length of fibre is required ; for the 
weft, softness and fulness. Now, as the lower numbers of 
' yarn' require a far larger amount of raw cotton for their pro- 
duction than the higher, and constitute the chief portion (in 
weight) both of our export and consumption, and as, more- 
over, every yard of calico or cotton woven fabric, technically 
called cloth, is composed of from two to five times as much 
weft as warp, it is obvious that we need a far larger supply of 
this peculiar character of cotton, the medium-staple, than of 
any other. 

" 3. The short-staple cotton is used almost exclusively for 
weft (except a little taken for candle-wicks), or for the very 
lowest numbers of warp, say 10's and under. But it is differ- 
ent in character from the second description, as well as shorter 
in fibre ; it is drier, fuzzier, more like rough wool ; and cannot 
be substituted for it without impoverishing the nature of the 
cloth, and making it, especially after washing or bleaching, 
look thinner and more meagre; and for the same reason it can 
only be blended with it with much caution, and in very mod- 
erate proportions. But its color is usually good ; and its com- 
parative cheapness is its great recommendation. 

28 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

" It will be seen, therefore, that while we require for the 
purposes of our manufacture a limited quantity of the first and 
third qualities of raw cotton, we need and can consume an al- 
most unlimited supply of the second quality. In this fact lies 
our real difficulty : tor, while several quarters of the world 
supply the firsl sort, and Lndia could supply enormous quan- 
tities dt* the third sort, the United States of America alone 
have hitherto produced the second and most necessary kind. 

"1. The finest long cotton in the world is called the ' Sea 
Island/ It is grown on the low-lying lands and small islands 
on the const of Georgia. The quantity is small, and the price 
very high. It is used mostly for muslin thread, and the very 
finest numbers of yarn — say 100's and upwards; and price, in 
fact, is of little moment to the manufacturers who purchase it. 
It usually sells at about two shillings per pound. A quality 
much resembling it, and almost if not quite as good, has been 
grown, as a sample article, in Australia. But of this denomina- 
tion of cotton the consumption is very small. Another species — 
long, strong, fine, and yellowish — is grown in Egypt, and im- 
ported in considerable quantities. An inferior quality — coarse, 
harsh, bright in color, but strong — is imported from Brazil, 
and a very small quantity from the West Indies. Doubtless 
if the price were adequate, and the demand here very great 
and steady, the supply from many of these quarters might be 
largely augmented. But it is not of this sort that w r e need any 
considerable increase, nor could we afford the price which 
probably alone would remunerate the grower. 

" 2. Our great consumption and demand is for the soft, 
white, silky, moderately long cotton of America — the quality 
usually called 'Uplands,' 'Bowed Georgia,' and ' New Or- 
leans.' This used to be sold at prices varying from oY/. to Gd. 
per pound (it is now from Gd. to 8c?.) : it can be consumed in 
any quantity ; for it is available not only for weft but for 
warp, except for the finer numbers. We need and consume nine 
bags of this cotton for one bag of all other qualities put together. 

" 3. It is the insufficient supply, or the higher price of this 
cotton, that has driven our manufacturers upon the shoi»t- stapled 
native article of India, commonly called Surat. If the price 
of the two were equal, scarcely a bag of Surat would be em- 
ployed. When the price of American cotton rises, owing to 
an inadequate supply, that of East India cotton follows it at a 
considerable interval — the usual ratio being two to three — and 
the import of the latter is greatly stimulated. It is always 
grown in India in large quantities, and with improved means 
of communication and more careful preparation, might be sup- 
plied in time in indefinite and probably ample quantities. But 
it is its quality that is in fault ; and, as far as the past is a 
guide, it would seem incurably in fault. Many attempts to 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 29 

amend the character of this cotton have been made. American 
planters and American " saw-gins" have been sent over, and 
American seed has been planted ; and the result has been a 
sensible amelioration in cleanliness and color, and some slight 
increase in length of fibre, but scarcely any change in specific 
character. The dry, fuzzy, woolly characteristics remain. 
Sometimes the first year's samples nearly resemble the Amer- 
ican article, but the resemblance never becomes permanent. 
Hitherto (we believe we are correct in stating), either from 
the peculiarity of the soil or of the climate, or as some say, 
from adulteration by the air-borne pollen of the inferior native 
plant, the improved and altered character of the cotton has 
never been kept up. 

"We are far from saying that this difficulty may not be over- 
come, and American cotton be naturalized in our East Indian 
possessions ; but certainly the results of our past efforts have 
not been of favorable augury. So far as our own observation 
and experience have gone, only from two other parts of the 
world have we seen samples of cotton analogous in character 
to that of the United States, and equally available for our pur- 
poses : one of these was the west coast of Africa, where we 
understand there is a considerable native growth, which doubt- 
less our commerce might encourage and increase ; the other is 
the opposite side of the continent, where Port Natal has ex- 
ported some very hopeful samples, soft and silky, but not clean 
nor of a very good color, but still decidedly American in quality. 

" The point we have to bear in mind, then, is this : our de- 
sideratum is not simply more cotton, but more cotton of the 
same character and price as that now imported from the States. 
If India were to send us two millions of bales of Surat cotton 
per annum, the desideratum would not be supplied, and our 
perilous problem would be still unsolved. We should be al- 
most as dependent on America as ever." 

In accordance with this idea of procuring a supply of cotton, 
the attention of English statesmen, manufacturers, travellers, 
and commercial men has been directed to all countries where 
cotton may be grown, and false hopes are continually raised only 
to be disappointed. The present sources of British supply are 
as follows : 

Receipts of Cotton into Great Britain. 

1835. 1841. 1S45. JS50. ISST. 

United States 28:i,855,"8o 336,647,79°' 626,650,412 4o3,i53,ii2 654, 758, 048 

Brazil 27,5"o,3oo i5,?.88,974 20,157, 633 30,299,982 29,910,832 

Egyptian 11.917,208 n, 162, 336 14,614,699 18.931,414 24,882,144 

WeM Indies 2,5i8,836 10,739,840 88.394,448 '228,913 1,443,568 

East Indies 43,876,820 ioo,io4,5io 58,437,426 118,872,742 25o,338,i44 

All other 725,336 2,090.698 7,986,160 

Total lbs 368,6 9 8,544 474,o63,453 721,979,953 669,576,861 969,318,896 

30 Smrfltern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

The influences al work in India, in Egypt, and the "West In- 
dies, favored by the rise in prices, developed the supply. In 
is 1 1. the quantity shipped by India rose to a high point, be- 
cause the China war turned much of it from its usual destina- 
tion. After that event the supply fell to a low figure from 
thai source. Of late it has steadily increased under the rising 
value of the article, seemingly justifying the hopes of those 
who looked to India as a source of supply. There has arisen, 
however, another feature, which, as far as the markets of the 
world go, entirely neutralizes that Indian supply. It is to be 
found in the fact, that step by step as the shipment of raw cot- 
ton from India has increased, the demand there for goods has 
improved. In fact, this demand has outrun the supply of the 
material, and India is every year becoming more important as 
a cotton consumer. The following table will show the quan- 
tity of cotton goods sent from England to India, with the 
equivalent weight in raw cotton, together with the weight of 
cotton received thence : 

Cotton Exports from England to India. 

Aggregate raw Raw coUvn 

Yarn, Calicoes. cotton to India. imported 

lbs. yards. lbs. from India. 

i835 5,3o5,2i2 54,227,084 16,000,000 43,876820 

1841 i3, 639, 562 126,003,400 43,000,000 ioo,io4,5io' 

1845 14,116,237 193,029,703 60.000,000 58,437,426 

1857 20,027,859 469,958,011 i3o,ooo,ooo 25o,338,i44 

i858 36,889,583 791,537,041 223.000,000 132,722,57'.! 

The year 1857 was an exceptional year for imports of cotton 
from India. In the year 1858 it appears 91,000,000 pounds 
more cotton have been sent to India than was received thence. 
If we were to include China in the calculation the result w T ould 
be still more remarkable, since China took in 1857, 121,000,000 
yards of cloth. And as China derives a great deal of raw cot- 
ton from India, if that article is sent to England for manufac- 
ture, and then sent to China in the shape of goods instead :>f 
as raw material, the result may be beneficial to English work- 
shops, but it does not increase the European supply of cotton. 

If we turn to Egypt and Turkey, we find that in 1858 there 
were derived thence 38,248,112 pounds of raw cotton, and there 
were sent thither 10,389,353 pounds yarn, and 257,567,351 
yards cloth ; together equal to 62,000,000 pounds of raw cotton, 
23,700,000 pounds more than was received. The fact is the 
same in relation to South America. The United States alone 
afford a net surplus of cotton above the weight of goods they 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 'M 

buy back. This process seems to be on the increase, since all 
those distant nations, as they progress in wealth, demand ma- 
chine goods. These are supplanting, apparently, the rude 
hand-loom goods of China and India ; and where the clothing 
of 200,000,000 is liable to undergo this change, the prospect is 
that, how great soever may be the increased production of 
cotton, it cannot keep pace with the demand for goods. 

The French Emperor now proposes to follow the example of 
England and Germany, and remove the duty on cotton, as a 
bonus to its manufacturers, in compensation of a reduction in 
protective duties. This cannot fail to give a new impulse to 
the cotton demand. 

In the late debate in the House of Lords on the subject of 
slave-grown cotton, great glorification was raised over the pro- 
duction of cotton in Africa, and Lord "Wodehouse read from 
Dr. Livingstone a letter, elated May 12, 1859, as follows : 

" Cotton is cultivated largely, and the further we went the 
crop appeared to be of the greater importance. The women 
alone were well clothed with the produce, the men being 
content with goat-skins and cloth made of bark of certain 
trees. Every one spins and weaves cotton. Even chiefs may 
be seen with the spindle and bag, which serves as a distaff. 
The process of manufacturing is the most rude and tedious that 
can be conceived. The cotton goes through five processes with 
the fingers before it comes to the loom. Time is of no value. 
They possess two varieties of the plant. One, indigenous, 
yields cotton more like wool than that of other countries. It 
is strong, and feels rough in the hand. The other variety is 
from imported seed, yielding a cotton that renders it unneces- 
sary to furnish the people with American seed. A point in its 
culture worth noticing is, the time of planting has been selected 
so that the plants remain in the ground during winter, and five 
months or so after sowing they come to maturity, before the 
rains begin or insects come forth to damage the crop." 

If it were admitted that those blacks could raise and get to 
market a considerable quantity of cotton — and the matter is 
hardly possible — what would be the result ? Why, that all the 
laboriously hand-made goods now used by them would be 
superseded by machine goods, and the demand for these would 
still exceed the supply of cotton. 

The consumption of cotton in the three countries where it is 
most used is as follows : 

02 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Population. lbs. used. Per land. 

Franoe 36, 039, 364 140,000,000 4 

Greal Britain 2«,4i6,5o8 253,ooo,ooo 9 

Uuitcd States 3o, 000, 000 368, 000,000 12 

Rest of Europe 213,476,424 ) 

Asia 775,000,000 V 1,096,719,000 1 

Rest of America 29,411,000 ) 

A 1 1 ica 200,000,000 

Total 1,217,887,424 1,797,719,000 

These figures show the quantities that are consumed of ma- 
chine goods. As the use of the goods extends in Europe, to 
bring the rate per head up to the consumption of France will 
require 900 million pounds more of American cotton. To raise 
the consumption in Asia to that of France will require more 
than double the present supply, and to take Africa into the 
account, there will be still 800 millions more added. Thus 
there is a prospective demand for 4700 million pounds more 
cotton than is now grown, even to reach the French rate of 

These results follow : 1. That while the use of cotton clothing 
is rapidly extending throughout the world, the U. States 
alone furnish, more than they use. 2d. That the extension of 
the cotton manufacture in the South is taking proportions that 
will soon enable her to refuse cotton at all except in the shape 
of g( >ods. The South is master of the position. 

As an indication of the extension of the British cotton trade, 
the following table, from official sources, shows the destination 
of cotton cloths : 

Exports of Plain and Dyed Goods from Great Britain, in yards. 

1846. 1858. 

Hanse Towns 42,364.421 52,ii6,i5i 

Holland 29.520,699 30,289,562 

Portugal 38,068,792 56.234.370 

Turkey, &c 76,702.784 243,875.534 

Ktry j.t 7,530,289 63,97o,3o5 

United States 24,11,6.724 i54,8i8,i34 

Foreign West Indies 34,959,583 52,8/,3,4o6 

Brazil 108,900,770 124,922,834 

Buenos Ayres 2,660,178 28,657.209 

Chili and Peru 46,373,072 65.578,796 

China 7 3,56i.88 9 138:488.957 

Java 3, 73., 2 34 

Gibraltar 17,491,264 2o'3n'554 

British North America 28.556.3 18 27 910 772 

British West Indies 35, 524.218 43'oi 9 ,'274 

British East Indies 196,140,700 791537. 041 

Australia 2 9 .ii5,o64 

Other countries 193.472,277 352,352 519 

Total yards 885,923,978 2,322,780,716 

The increase in this period has been nearly 200 per cent. 
The progress of the trade has been mostly to the countries 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 33 

which furnish raw material in payment. Europe has taken but 
a small proportion of the increase. The countries of the East 
are those which present the largest outlet. If we now look at 
the number of bales of cotton taken for consumption on the 
continent of Europe last year, wQkShall have results as follows : 

Bales of Cotton taken for Consumjition in Europe in 1859. 

U. States. Brazil. W. Jnd. E Ind. Egypt. Totals. 

Great Britain 1,907,000 io5,ooo 6,ooo 177,000 99,000 2,294,000 

France 462.000 5, 000 17,000 i5,ooo 36, 000 525, 000 

Belgium 33,ooo 1,000 25, 000 64,000 

Holland 62,000 3, 000 09,000 1 ,000 1 25, 000 


W. Ind. 

E Ind. 






1 5,ooo 






1 1 ,000 





Germany 146,000 5, 000 61,000 212,000 

Trieste 3 1,000 14,000 21,000 66,000 

Genoa 41,000 11,000 1,000 53, 000 

Spain 109,000 8,000 1,000 118,000 

Surplus of export — G.Britain 94,000 6,000 79,000 i5,ooo 194,000 

Total deliveries 2,880,000 124,000 32, 000 442.000 173,000 3, 601, 000 

Of 3,651,000 bales delivered for consumption in 1859, the 
United States supplied 2,880,000 bales, and with those large 
deliveries, the stock on hand at the close of the year did not 
increase. Under these circumstances there is little surprise 
that the question of cotton supply should become so anxiously 
discussed. The " London cotton-supply reporter " of Feb. 3, 
remarks : 

"Upwards of 500,000 workers are now employed in our cotton 
factories, and it has been estimated that at least 4,000,000 per- 
sons in the country are dependent upon the cotton trade for 
subsistence. A century ago Lancashire contained a population 
of only 300,000 persons ; it now numbers 2,300,000. In the 
same period of time, this enormous increase exceeds that on any 
other equal surface of the globe, and is entirely owing to the 
development of the cotton trade. In 1S56 there were, in the 
United Kingdom, 2,210 factories, running 28,000,000 spindles 
and 209,000 looms, by 97,000 horse-power. Since that period 
a considerable number of new mills have been erected, and 
extensive additions have been made to the spinning and weav- 
ing machinery of those previously in existence. 

" The amount of actual capital invested in the cotton trade 
of this kingdom is estimated to be between £60,000,000 and 
£70,000,000 sterling. 

" The quantity of cotton imported into this country in 1859 
was l,lSlf million pounds' weight, the value of which at 6d. 
per lb. is equal to £30,000,000 sterling. Out of 2,829,110 
bales of cotton imported into Great Britain, America has sup- 


34 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

plied us with '2,086,341 — that is, 5-Tths of the whole. In other 
words, flit of every 7 lbs. imported from all countries into Great 
Britain, America has supplied 5 Lbs,, India has sent us about 
500,000 bales, Egypt aboul L00,000, South America, 124,000, 
and other countries between 8,000 and 9,000 bales. In 1859 
the total value of the exports from Great Britain amounted to 
£130,513,185, of which £47,020,920 consisted of cotton goods 
and yarns. Thus, more than one-third, or £1 out of every £3 of 
our entire exports, consists of cotton. Add to this the propor- 
tion of cotton which forms part of £12,000,000 more exported 
in the shape of mixed woollens, haberdashery, millinery, silks, 
apparel, and slops. Great Britain alone consumes annually 
£24,000,000 worth of cotton goods. Two conclusions, there- 
fore, may safely be drawn from the facts and figures now cited: 
first, that the interests of every cotton- worker are bound up 
with a gigantic trade which keeps in motion an enormous mass 
of capital, and this capital, machinery, and labor depend for 
five-sevenths of its employment upon the slave States of Amer- 
ica for prosperity and continuance ; secondly, that if a war 
should at any time break out between England and America, 
a general insurrection take place among the slaves, disease 
sweep off those slaves by death, or the cotton crop fall short in 
quantity, whether from severe frosts, disease of the plant, or 
other possible causes, our mills would be stopped for want of 
-cotton, employers would be ruined, and famine would stalk 
.abroad among the hundreds and thousands of work-people 
who are at present fortunately well employed. 

" Calculate the consequences for yourself. Imagine a dearth 
of cotton, and you may picture the horrors of such a calamity 
from the scenes you may possibly have witnessed when the 
mills have only run on " short time." Count up all the trades 
that are kept going out of the wages of the working classes, 
independent of builders, mechanics, engineers, colliers, &c, 
employed by the mill-owners. Railways would cease to pay, 
and our ships would lie rotting in their ports, should a scarcity 
of the raw material for manufacture overtake us." 

The Manchester Chamber of Commerce, at about the same 
date, discussed the same question, and the chairman, in ad- 
dressing the meeting, drew the attention of the members to the 
state of the cotton trade itself; to the amazing increase in the 
trade during the last year ; and to the necessity there was for 
forethought for seeing where they stood. " He had made, at 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 35 

some trouble, a calculation of the probable exports for the 
present year. These would very nearly amount to £46,000,000, 
which would be nearly an increase of £3,000,000 on last year, 
and of £5,000,000 upon the year previous. That was a start- 
ling increase ; but on coming to look whence it arose, it would 
be seen that it was due solely to one portion of the world — 
India and China. Looking- at the whole state of the cotton 
trade, we had not yet recovered from the depreciation before 
1857. If it had not been for the increase of the exports to In- 
dia, the cotton trade would not have stood in as good a position 
as it was previous to the crisis. The cause of the great increase 
in the demand for goods for India arose in the amazing increase 
in the capital sent out to that country, which, during the last 
three years, would not amount to less than £60,000,000. We 
must not consider the present state of the cotton trade as the 
normal one, for unless these loans were continued we should 
not find the increase of exports continue to the East. If so, the 
state of our cotton trade would be much changed in twelve 
months. The export to India this year would amount to up- 
wards of £17,000,000, and from this it would be seen that the 
proportion of our cotton exports to the East was £17,000,000 
out of £16,000,000. If our cotton trade was to be increased it 
must probably be with the East, and this brought him to the 
question of the policy of the Indian government. The report 
stated that they had sent a resolution protesting against any in- 
creased duties on manufactures to the East. There was a rumor 
afloat that these duties were to be increased, and if they were 
they would, materially affect our prosperity. Xothing could 
be more unsound in policy than increased duties on manufac- 
tured goods, going into a part really of our own country. It 
was burning the candle at both ends, so to speak ; taxing our- 
selves for exports from India, and for the imports of these same 
cotton goods again." 

This condition of the Indian trade is no doubt correctly 
stated. The system of transferring capital to England had 
nearly exhausted the country, and the question presented itself of 
abandoning the country, or endeavoring to restore its activity. 
Capital had become cheap in England, and dear in India ; fol- 
lowing the law of trade, therefore, it returns, and with its return 
revives the demand for goods, which thus far outruns the pro- 
duction of cotton. As the prosperity of India increases, the 
demand for goods will become still more considerable. The 

36 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

discussion in the House of Lords, Jan. 27, was to the same 

"Lord Brougham, in rising to move, according to notice, for 
returns relating to the importation of cotton, said lie understood 
there would be no objection on the part of the government to 
granting them. He thought it would be must satisfactory to all 
to know, that since the repeal of the duty upon cotton there 
had been such an enormous increase in the importation of cot- 
ton, from 63,000,000 lbs. to 1,024,000,000 lbs., an increase of 
sixteen-fold, and the importations from the United States alone 
had risen from 23,000,000 lbs. to 830,000,000 lbs., or an in- 
crease of thirty-two-fold. This enormous increase in the impor- 
tation of cotton — so advantageous to our manufacturers and the 
community generally — had been accomplished at the trifling 
cost of £500,000, which was the amount of the duty upon cotton 
previous to its remission. He hoped the fact would be an en- 
couragement to us to repeal duties without any regard to what 
w r as called the reciprocity system, but to repeal them simply 
because we wished to get rid of the burden imposed upon us 
by those duties. There were now no less than 480 articles upon 
which excise or customs duties were levied, to the great dis- 
comfort of trade, and the injury of those who dealt in those 
articles, while the total product to the revenue was under 
£1,000,000 ; indeed, he believed it was only about £630,000. 
He rejoiced in the benefits which had resulted to the people of 
the United States from our repeal of the duty on raw cotton ; 
but it should not be forgotten that some of our own colonies 
presented great facilities for the growth of cotton, and he hoped 
that in British Guiana, Jamaica, and in Africa, every encour- 
agement would be afforded by the government to the cultiva- 
tion of this most important material. Above all, he trusted 
that a trade in cotton would be opened up on the coast of 
Africa, in the districts explored by Dr. Livingstone, for upon 
the high land of that country cotton to any amount, and of the 
best quality, might, with a slight encouragement, be raised. He 
was told that a capital of £20,000, judiciously directed there, 
would be sufficient to secure this very great advantage; and he 
divi hope that if it were inexpedient for the government to in- 
terfere in such matters, his wealthy friends at Manchester and 
Liverpool would lend a hand to raise that sum of money." 

After much vituperation of the United States on the part of 
the noble lord — 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 37 

"The Bishop of Oxford had heard with satisfaction what had 
fallen from the noble duke. It was quite true that it was not 
the custom of the British government to engage in direct spec- 
ulations to promote the trade in any article, but with regard to 
the growth of cotton, the British government had rendered 
great assistance in another way — namely, by making the high- 
ways of the great continent of Africa — the rivers — accessible to 
English merchants, so that cotton might be cultivated on each 
side of them, and the traders have a sale passage up and down. 
The difficulty which was experienced in other countries, of ob- 
taining free labor to produce cotton, did not exist in Africa, 
where there was an abundant native population, whose cultiva- 
tion of cotton would be attended with the additional advantage 
of introducing a wholesome and lawful commerce, which would 
absolutely destroy the slave-trade ; for the only way by which 
that trade could be ultimately destroyed was by teaching the 
African chiefs that the employment of their dependent people in 
the production of the raw matericd of cotton, would be more ad- 
v<nttageons than the selling them into slavery for transported u»i 
to other, parts of the world. lie therefore earnestly trusted that 
the attention of the government would be directed to the main- 
tenance and even to the increase of efforts for opening the great 
rivers in Africa, especially the Zambesi, the opening of which 
he believed the government was about to aid, and the JSTiger, 
which for years the government had assisted in opening. 
(Hear, hear.) 

" Lord Overstone believed that a question of more importance 
than that relating to the extension of the source for the supply 
of the raw material of cotton could not be brought under the 
consideration of the Legislature. (Hear, hear.) He had there- 
fore heard with satisfaction the statement of the noble duke, 
that the attention of the government was directed to this sub- 
ject, and that every encouragement consistent with sound prin- 
ciples would be afforded to extend the supply of cotton. (Hear, 
hear.) The noble and learned lord had stated that within a 
sh< >rt period the importation of cotton had multiplied thirty-two- 
fold in this country, and when their lordships considered how 
extensive was the demand for cotton goods throughout the 
world, they would at once perceive that it was a serious matter 
to have for the supply of the raw material only a single source, 
liable to be affected by the uncertainties of climate, to say 
nothing of the obstacles which any unfortunate state of politi- 

38 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

cal relations might raise up in the way of our merchants apply- 
ing to that source. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that no efforts 
would be omitted by the people of this country to promote 
every rational enterprise for the supply of cotton in every 
quarter where it could be obtained, and that all the encourage- 
ment which the government could legitimately give would be 
afforded. (Hear, hear.)" 

The coolness with which the Bishop of Oxford states that 
cotton could be made by "free labor" if the "African chiefs 
would / mpioy their dependent people" instead of " selling them 
into slavery," is amusing. If, instead of selling the man, or 
eating him, lie compelled him to grow cotton, the bishop, it 
appears, would be satisfied with the progress of freedom. The 
discussion was narrowed down to hopes that Africa might 
grow cotton. If we reflect that the supply of other materials 
for clothing increases much less than cotton, the importance 
of the question will appear to be greater. 

The live chief materials for human clothing are hemp, flax, 
silk, wool, and cotton. These have been imported into Eng- 
land as follows : 

Imports of Raw Materials for Textile Fabrics into Great Britain. 


Hemp. Flax. Silk. Wool. four articles. Cotton. 

\S35. lbs. 72, 35?, 200 81.916,100 4,027,649 41,71 8,5i4 160,014, 463 326,407.692 

1840... 82.971,700 i39,3oi,6oo 3,860,980 60,002976 276.137.256 531.197,817 

1843. .. io3. 416.400 109,562. 3oo 4,866,528 76,813. 855 344258,785 721. 9-9.953 

i85o. .. 1 19.462,100 204.928,900 5,411,934 74.326,778 404.137.912 714.602.600 

i855... 136,270.912 i45,5u,437 7.548.659 99,300.446 388.63i,454 891. 751.962 

i856... i42.6i3,525 189,792,112 8,236,685 116. 211. 392 456. 863. 714 i,o23,886.3o4 

1837... 169,004,562 209.953.125 12,718.867 129.749.898 521,426.452 969.318.896 

i858. .. 184.316,000 144,439.332 6,635,845 127.216.973 462,608.150 1,076.519.800 

Price of Upland Cotton in Liverpool. — In 1 835, io'/.,d.; 1840, 6d.; 1845, 4'Aid.; i85o, 
4V4'1-; 1 855, 5y 4 d.; i856, 6d.; 1857, 7 '/ 4 d.; i858, 7 1 4 d. 

This table gives in pounds weight the quantities of raw ma- 
terial imported into Great Britain from all countries in each 
year. It does not include the wool used of home growth, or 
the increasing supply of Irish flax, but it indicates the demand 
that England has annually made upon the countries that pro- 
duce raw materials for the means of supplying the large de- 
mands made upon her factories for goods. The stimulus every- 
where given to the production of exchangeable values, and the 
diminished cost of transportation, as well as the more liberal 
policy of governments, has left to the producer a larger share 
of the products of his own industry, and this has shown itself 
in a demand for clothing. It is to be observed in the table, 

Southern, Wealth and Northern Profits. 39 

that up to 1850 the proportion of the four other articles in- 
creased faster than cotton. 

Since that date the cotton demand has again become larger, 
and the value of all raw materials has risen in an important 
degree. The future increase of supply in human clothing must 
come altogether from cotton, and every effort to increase the 
supply of that article ends only in a despairing appeal to the 
United States. The discussion of the question draws that fact, 
and practical English sense shows itself strongly in the follow- 
ing rebuke, contained in the London Times, to Lord Brougham 
and his confreres : 

" The importation of cotton into this country has, since the 
import duty was abolished, increased sixteen- fold. II; ving 
been 63,000,000 pounds, it is now 1,000,000,000 pounds. This is 
one of those giant facts which stand head and shoulders higher 
than the crowd — so high and so broad that we can neither 
overlook it nor affect not to see it. It proves the existence of 
a thousand smaller facts that must stand under its shadow. It 
tells of sixteen times as many mills, sixteen times as many 
English families living by working those mills, sixteen times 
as much profit derived from sixteen times as much capital en- 
gaged in this manufacture. It carries after it sequences of in- 
creased quantity of freights and insurances, and necessities for 
sixteen times the amount of customers to consume, to our profit, 
the immense amount of produce we are turning out. There are 
not many such facts as these, arising in the quiet routine of in- 
dustrial history. It is so large and so steady that we can steer 
our national policy by it; it is so important to us, that we 
should be reduced to embarrassment if it were suddenly to dis- 
appear. It teaches us to persevere in a policy which has pro- 
duced so wonderful a result ; its beneficent operation makes it 
essential to us to deal carefully with it now we have got it. 
Some years ago an island arose in the Mediterranean, and we 
were all discussing it, and quarrelling about it, and keeping 
up a brisk fire of diplomatic notes over it, when one fine morn- 
ing the disgusted island suddenly went down again, and ships 
sent out to survey it sailed over the site it had occupied. We 
must not do any thing to disgust this huge lump of profitable 
work which has suddenly arisen among us. We are inclined to 
look at it with a respectful and superstitious tenderness, rather 
as a gambler does upon a run of luck at cards, hoping it may 
last forever. 

40 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

" Lord Brougham and the veterans of the old Anti-Shivery 
Society do not, we fear, share our delight at this great increase 
in the employment of our home population. Their minds are 
still seared by those horrible stories which were burnt in upon 
them in their youth when England was not only a slave-own- 
ing, but even :i slave-trading state. Their remorse is so great, 
that the ghost of a black man is always before them. They are 
benevolent and excellent people ; but if a black man happened 
to have broken his shin, and a white man were in danger of 
drowning, we much fear that a real anti-slavery zealot would 
bind up the black man's leg before he would draw the white 
man out of the water. It is not an inconsistency, therefore, 
that while we see only cause of congratulation in this wonder- 
ful increase of trade, Lord Brougham sees in it the exaggera- 
tion of an evil he never ceases to deplore. We, and such as 
we, who are content to look upon society as Providence allows 
it to exist — to mend it when we can, but not to distress our- 
selves immoderately for evils which are not of our creation — 
we see only the free and intelligent English families who thrive 
upon the wages which these cotton bales produce. Lord 
Brougham sees only the black laborers who, on the other 
side of the Atlantic, pick the cotton pods in slavery. Lord 
Brougham deplores that in this tremendous importation of a 
thousand millions of pounds of cotton the lion's share of the 
profit goes to the United States, and has been produced by 
6lave-labor. Instead of twenty- three millions, the United States 
now send us eight hundred and thirty millions, and this is all 
cultivated by slaves. It is very sad that this should be so,, but 
we do not see our way to a remedy. There seems to be rather 
a chance of its becoming worse. If France, who is already 
moving onwards in a restless, purblind state, should open her 
eyes wide, should give herself fair play by accepting our coals, 
iron, and machinery, and, under the stimulus of a wholesome 
competition, should take to manufacturing upon a large scale, 
then these three millions will not be enough. France will be 
competing with us in the foreign cotton markets, stimulating 
still further the produce of Georgia and South Carolina. The 
jump which the consumption of cotton in England has just 
made is but a single leap, which may be repeated indefinitely. 
There are a thousand millions of mankind upon the globe, all 
of whom can be most comfortably clad in cotton. Every year 
new tribes and new nations are added to the category of cotton 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 41 

wearers. There is every reason to believe that the supply of 
this universal necessity wall for many years yet to come fail to 
keep pace with the demand, and, in the interest of that large 
class of our countrymen to whom cotton is bread, we must con- 
tinue to hope that the United States will be able to supply us 
in years to come with twice as much as we bought of them in 
years past. 

" ' Let us raise up another market,' says the anti-slavery 
people. So say we all. We know very well that the possi- 
bility of growing cotton is not confined to the New World. 
The plains of Bengal grew cotton before Columbus was born, 
and we, with our mechanical advantages, can actually afford 
to take the Bengal cotton from the growers and send it back 
to them in yarns and pieces cheaper than they can make it up. 
So, also, thousands of square miles in China are covered by the 
cotton plant ; and some day we may perhaps repeat the same 
process there. Africa, too, promises us cotton. Dr. Living- 
stone found a country in which the growth was indigenous, and 
where the chiefs were very anxious to be taught how to culti- 
vate it for a European market. There is no lack of lands and 
climate where cotton could be produced. It is said of gold that 
no substance in nature is more widely diffused and more om- 
nipresent ; but, unfortunately, it is diffused under conditions 
which make it seldom possible to win it with a profit. So it is 
of cotton. The conditions under which it becomes available 
for our markets are not often present in the wild cotton which 
our travellers discover ; nor are they to be immediately sup- 
plied. Remember the efforts which the French have made to 
produce cotton in Algeria, the enormous prizes they offered, 
the prices at which they bought up all the produce, the care 
with which fabrics were prepared from these cottons at Rouen 
and exhibited at the Paris Exhibition, and then note the miser- 
able result after so many years of artificial protection. It will 
come eventually ; as the cotton wants of the world press 
heavily and more heavily, it must come. We shall have cotton 
from India, from China, and from Africa; we would advocate 
every means within reasonable limits to quicken the develop- 
ment. We would not even ask whether to introduce cotton 
culture upon a large scale into Africa, would be to secure that 
African cotton would not be raised by slave-labor. But even 
Lord Brougham would not ask us to believe that there is any 
proximate hope that the free cotton raised in Africa will, within 

42 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


any reasonable time, drive out of culture the slave-grown cot- 
ton of America. If this be so, of what use can it be to make 
irritating speeches in the House of Lords against a state of 
things by which we are content to profit? Lord Brougham 
and Lord Grey are not men of such illogical minds as to be in- 
capable of understanding that it is the demand of the English 
manufacturers which stimulates the produce of slave-grown 
American cotton. They are neither of them, we apprehend, so 
reckless or so wicked as to wish to close our factories and throw 
some two millions of our manufacturing population out of 
bread. Why, then, these inconsequent and these irritating 
denunciations ? Let us create new fields of produce if we can; 
but, meanwhile, it is neither just nor dignified to buy this raw 
material from the Americans, and to revile them for pro- 
ducing it." 



The New England States, from the first, were mostly en- 
gaged in navigation and manufactures. It was there that 
capital first accumulated from application to those employ- 
ments. Agriculture spread in two directions, viz., across the 
mountains to the west, and southwest from the south Atlantic 
States. These two agricultural branches divided naturally into 
free and slave labor, and both sections held the same position 
to New England as all the colonies had before held to the 
mother country. The manufacturing and navigating States, 
as a matter of course, accumulated the wealth which the other 
sections produced, each in proportion to its productions. To 
estimate correctly the effects of slave-labor, therefore, it is not 
to be compared to a manufacturing section, but to a free agri- 
cultural section ; it is in the same employment that the rela- 
tive results of free and slave labor are to be justly compared. 
We shall find that the latter has largely the advantage over the 
former — that the productions of the individual free man is not 
greater than that of the slave ; but his wants and necessities 
are greater. He consumes more, while his labor lacks that 
concentration of co-operation that marks slave-labor. This re- 
sult is very much opposed to the common idea, which supposes 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 13 

the South to produce cotton only. The great prominence of 
that article in a manner overshadows other products, which 
come in a degree to be overlooked. Thus the following re- 
marks, and similar ones, are frequently encountered in the 
daily press : 

" Such is the mutual dependence of the South and the North, 
that, were it not that the latter supplies to the former its pro- 
visions, clothing, and agricultural implements, the South would 
not be able to supply any cotton for export, but could scarcely 
supply the home demand." 

The fallacy of this idea may be at once demonstrated by an 
inspection of the census returns, which show a larger quantity 
of food per head produced in the South than elsewhere, and 
from its abundance it furnishes food to the North. To form a 
just comparison between the three sections, a table is formed 
from the national census returns of 1850, in which the quanti- 
ties produced in each section are given in separate columns, 
with the area and population of each section. The "North" is 
composed of New England, New York, Nevj Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania. The "West" of Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, and the Territories. 
The " South," of Maryland, Delaware, District of Columbia, 
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
Louisiana, Florida, Texas, Missouri, Mississippi, Kentucky, 
Tennessee, and Arkansas, making, together, all the States and 
Territories. To the quantities, transcribed from the national 
census, in aggregates for each section, we have appended the 
values, as given by Professor Tucker in his " Progress of the 
Nation," as exhibited in the national census, from 1790 to 1850. 
The value is useful in arriving at the aggregate relative value pro- 
duced, but the quantity of food per head is an important point. 

Area, Population, and Live-stock of the Union. 

South. West. North. 

Area — Acres 871,458 1,417,091 160,747 

Population 9,664,656 4,900,369 8,626,802 

Horses 2,044,377 1,220,703 1,073,639 

Asses and mules 517,224 34,454 7,653 

Milch cows 2,963,237 1,363,253 2,o58,6o4 

Oxen 2,835,358 341, 883 494,280 

Othercattle 5,632,717 2,236,o56 1,834.297 

Sheep 6,821,871 7,396,331 7.5o5.oi8 

Swine 20,008,964 6,874,796 3,468,469 

Total head of stock 40,823,748 19,967,176 i6,44i,958 

Value of stock $253, 795,330 $H2,563,85i $173,812,690 

44 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Agricultural Productions of the United States, -per official Census of 1850, 
distinguishing the South, Worth, and West. 

, South. > <—— — -West. * / North. , 

Quantities. Value. Quantities. Value. Quantities. Value. 

Wheat, .bush. 27,878,815 25.000,9.33 41,394,545 37.255,088 30,761,941 27,685,746 

Oats 49,882.979 17.439.035 37.122,774 12,992,971 S9.477.597 20,817,175 

Corn 349,057,501 186,384.139 iu,83o,483 56,234.5u 33,740,706 

Potatoes 44,878.403 17.951,371 14,416,390 5,766.556 44.616.780 17,846,712 

Rye 1,608,200 1,608,200 774, 5d5 774,555 11,800,068 11,800,068 

Barley 161,907 145,716 842,402 754161 4.166,611 3, 747,650 

Buckwheat.. 4o5,357 202,678 1,578,578 789,289 6,971,667 3,485,833 

B< ^eas : ""' [ 7. 63 7^ 22 7 »3,365,i47 313,278 548,237 1,229,017 2,00,778 
,v '-- ' 123,517 37o,55i 142,764 428,292 6i 9 ,5oi i,858,5o3 

Flaxseed 2o3,484 254.355 240,219 3oo,273 118,704 148.374 

Value garden 1,377,260 664, 3o3 664, 3o3 3,o5o.3o2 

" orchard 1,355,827 1,640,028 1,640,028 5.692,886 

Rice lbs. 2i5,3i3,497 8,612,539 

$307,328,112 $173,744,236 $132,024,727 

Tobacco.. Z6«. 185,023,906 i8.5o5,390 12,358,879 1. 236,888 2,383, 208 238,320 

Wool 12,797,829 3,839,348 17,675.129 5.3o2,538 21,972.032 6,591,624 

Cheese "" f 68 ' 634 ' 224 6 > 863 ' 422 98,266,884 9,826.688251,593,899 25.i5 9 ,38 9 

Hay tons. 1,137,784 11,377,846 3,227.253 32,272.530 94,7.36,050 

Hops lbs. 33,780 5,067 194,961 29.244 3, 268.215 490,232 

Hemp... tons. 34,673 3,883,376 i5o 7 443.370 22,178 

Flax lbs. 4,768,198 476,619 i,33o,85g i33.o85 1,717.419 171,742 

Cocoons 5,374 53,74o 2,34o 23.4oo 3,129 31,290 

Maple sugar. 2,088,687 104,434 10,889,722 544,486 21,272.077 i,o6i,6o3 

wax a ° f 7)9^4, 760 1,194,714 3,401,078 5io,i4o 3,487,290 523,093 

$46,3o3.95o $49,879,006 $129,025,521 

Y th 1 S: ghtered } 54,398,0,5 22,473,786 34.5.6,45. 

$408,030,077 $246,097,028 $292,566,699 

Per head of population $42 $5o.25 $34.26 

From this table we learn that of those grains which consti- 
tute food, and are common to all sections, the South raised in 
value equal to about $30 per head of its whole population, in- 
cluding the slaves. The value raised in the northern section 
was equal only to $15 per head, a quantity unequal to the 
support of life, but the large manufacturing interests of that 
section enable it to command food from the West and South 
in exchange for merchandise. The product of food at the West 
is equal to $35£ per head. If we were to include the whites 
only, the quantity per head at the South would reach $48 per 
head, a quantity in excess of their wants, and of which they 
indeed export largely. The quantity of corn alone raised per 
head is 37 bushels, or the same as at the West. The wheat 
product at the South gives 4£ bushels per head of the white 
population, a quantity more than sufficient for its service, and 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 45 

it exports of the surplus largely to the New England States. 
The aggregate of agricultural productions, it appears, is $42 
at the South, embracing the same articles which at the West 
give $50.25 per head, and at the North $34.26 per head. 
The South, however, produced in addition, in the year 1849, 
978.31.1,690 lbs. of cotton, which was sold, in 1850 at 11 cents 
per lb., according to the United States Treasury reports, mak- 
ing $101,834,616. It also produced 237,133,000 lbs. of sugar, 
valued at $16,599,310; and, in addition, naval stores to the 
value of $2,107,100. 

The aggregate results are as follows : 

South. West. North. Total. 

Slaughtered animals £54,3q8,oi5 $22,473,786 $34,5i6,45i §111, 388,252 

Grains 307.328.112 173,744,230 132,026,727 613,099,073 

Other 46.3o3,95o 49,879.006 129,025,321 225,208,477 

Cotton, 978,311,600 lbs... 101,834,616 

Sugar, 2.37,i33,ooo " .. 16.S99.310 

Naval stores 2^07,100 

Total §528,571,103 $246,097,028 $295,568,699 §1,070, 236, 83o 

Per head $54 $5o $34 

Value of live stock $253, 795,330 $ii2,563,85i $173,812,690 $538,171,871 

If now — supposing that the black laborers raise the cotton, 
sugar, rice, and naval stores — we compare the aggregate agri- 
cultural products in the above table with the number of white 
persons employed in agriculture, according to the same census, 
we have the relative production as follows : 

No. employed 
in agriculture. Value produced. Per hand. 

North 823,171 $295,568,699 $359 

South 849,285 409030,077 481 

\W-st 728,127 246,097,028 335 

Total 2,400,583 $950,695,804 

This gives the absolute fact that the West, a peculiarly agri- 
cultural section, with very prolific soil, produces a value per 
hand employed, less than even the comparatively sterile soil of 
the North and East. This strongly illustrates the fact to which 
we have previously alluded, viz., that free-labor, eA*en with 
the fruitful soil of the West, unaided by machinery, can pro- 
duce no surplus. These figures unexplained, however, em- 
brace a fallacy, and one which has attracted much attention 
of late. It is, that the Northern and Eastern section has in- 
cluded in its aggregate $94,736,000 worth of hay, which article, 
if deducted from all the accounts, would leave the Eastern pro- 
duction less per hand than any other section. This crop of hay 

46 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

has, however, been vaunted as a crop of great value, even as 
" rivalling cotton" in magnitude, and offsetting that crop in its 
importance as a national product. This view of the subject is 

more specious than real, however. The object of making hay 
is to cure the grass so that it can be transported to cover, and 
feed cattle through those rigorous Northern winters, which 
prevent the cattle from seeking their own food in its natural 
state. Where those winters do not exist, that necessity does 
not arise, but the cattle have not the less food. The making 
of hay is, then, not a valuable labor, but an expense in the 
keeping of cattle, imposed by climate. Accordingly we find, 
as we proceed South, the winters being shorter, less hay is 
made in proportion to the number of cattle kept. In Maine, 
755,889 tons of hay were made, and there were 385,115 head 
of cattle and horses to feed. This is a ratio of nearly two tons 
per head. In Illinois, 601,952 tons of hay were made, but 
1,190,204 head of cattle were kept, or rather more than half a 
ton per head. In Alabama, 32,685 tons of hay were made, 
and 915,911 head of cattle kept, or about one ton to 30 head 
of cattle. In the aggregate, the hay-crop of the country, and 
the number of cattle kept, was as follows : 

No. of cattle. Tons hay cut. lbs. per head. 

North 5,460,820 o,473,6o5 3,46o 

West 5,161,895 3,227,253 1,260 

South 13,475,689 1,137,784 170 

Total 24,098,404 13.838,642 

Tins crop of hay, therefore, is a tax upon the labor of the 
Northern farmer, proportioned to the number of cattle he seeks 
to winter, and the rigor of the winter he has to provide for. 
To count this expense among the advantages of free-labor, is 
certainly a very fallacious mode of convincing the laborer of 
its blessings, and would leave the inference that free-labor in 
Maine is much more profitable than in other free States. The 
advantages of the Southern climate are, that not only is natu- 
ral fodder more abundant, enabling the same land to support 
more cattle, but the labor which at the North is applied to 
making that fodder available, is at the South applied to other 
productions. The labor which at the North will give 100 mil- 
lions of hay, will at the South, not being needed for that pur- 
pose, give 100 millions of cotton, while the cattle are feeding 
themselves. It is for this, among other reasons, that the ag- 
gregate productions of the South are so much more per hand 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 47 

than at the North and West, The chief reason is, however, 
that the labor at the South is collective, while the free-labor at 
the West depends upon its own resources, and is not able to 
hire the needful help in sowing and harvest seasons. Improve- 
ments in machinery have been a great help in that respect, 
enabling the farmer to get more into, and more off the ground, 
than his unassisted labor could effect. 

As an example of the productions of hands employed in the 
South, we take the sugar product and number of slaves in each 
sugar county of Louisiana : 

Louisiana Production of Sugar, Corn, and Rice. 

Corn. Rice, 

hhds. Slaves. bush. lbs. 

Rapides H,i33 n,34o 357,480 4,5oo 

Avoyelles 6,4i3 5, 161 3io,o85 291,350 

West Feliciana -. 6,471 10,666 36o,585 8,000 

Pointe Coupee i8,2i3 7,811 19979° 16,840 

East Feliciana 1.570 9,5i4 391,789 42.670 

West Baton Rouge 21, 683 4,35o 226.942 900 

East Baton Rouge 12.255 6.35i i5i,75o 4,009 

Iberville 38,87b 8,606 371,063 

Ascension 28.444 7,266 368,5oo 35.5oo 

St. James 27.302 7,j5i 334.48o 68.5oo 

St. John the Baptist 11,271 4,54o i88,3oo 3i4,2oo 

St. Charles 9,146 4,i32 178,980 619,000 

Jefferson 3 . 1 43 6,196 197,849 122,000 

Orleans and St. Bernard 6,566 20,391 32, 180 43.000 

Plaquemines 12, 433 4.779 149,090 1, 536, 740 

Assumption, Bayou Lafourche 32.725 5,34i 564,3o2 99,77° 

Lafourche Interior 8,866 4,368 227,015 231,980 

Terrebonne 22,81 5 4.328 187,420 466,900 

St. Mary, Attakapas 44,634 9,85o 303,290 140 

St. Martin, Attakapas i3,548 6,489 517,401 3,700 

Vermillion, Lafayette 862 1,067 46,061 1,664 

Lafayette 1,286 3,170 288,358 2,168 

St. Landry, Opelousas 7.388 10,871 372,180 6,i44 

Cistern bottoms 9,232 

Total 362,296 162,018 6,327,882 4,911,680 

Value of sugar $24,998,424 

Value of molasses 6,470.817 

Total §31,399,241 

The result is $200, in average value of sugar, for each hand. 
In some sections the product is immense. In St. Mary, the 
sugar was worth $3,000,000, without counting molasses, or 
over $300 to each hand. The labor of the slave in this em- 
ployment is greatly aided by machinery. The number of 
slaves is the total for the counties, which, however, produce a 
great agricultural wealth in addition to their sugar. Thus 
their slaves produce 40 bushels corn per head, and 30 lbs. rice 
per head. The cash value of these two crops was $5,000,000. 

It follows, from these facts, that the South has a far larger 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

surplus to export than any other section, and that the value 
of that surplus per hand annually increases. It supplies the 
wants of the North in naval stores, rice, tobacco, sugar, hides, 
wool, cotton, and annually swells the aggregate exports of the 
Union to foreign countries. The surplus which has thus poured 
out of the country manifests itself in the following table, which 
is compiled from the annual reports of the Secretary of the 
Treasury : 

Southern Exports from the United States, Number of Slaves, and Value 

per Hand. 


i85i . . 
i85 9 ., 





460,000 2,455,ooo 6,220,000 

47.3.000,2,626,000 5,048,000 

292,0001,714.923 8,118,188 

321,019 1,986,824' 8,833,112] 3,ooo,ooo 

602,520' 1,942,076 9,883,957! 5,200,000 
1, 142,71 3 2,63 1, 557 9,951.02.3 1 4, 796,1 5o 
1.063,842 2,170,927 9.219.351 i5,385,i85 
3,695,474 2,207,148 21,074,038 3i.455,24i 



No. of 

5,25o,ooo i4,385,ooo 893.04 
i5, 108, 000! 23,255,ooo f 1,191,364 

26,30O,O0O| 37.934, 1 I I ! 1 .543,688 

44,o58,o25j 48,225,838 2,009.053 
74,640,307! 92,292,2602,487.355 
101,834,616 i3o,556,o5o 3,179,509 
i37,3i5,3i7 i65,o34,5i 7 3, 200. 000 
204,128,493 262,560,394 4,000,000 




16. 10 
5 1 .90 

These figures for naval stores, tobacco, and rice, are the offi- 
cial export values. The figures for cotton are the crop valued 
at the export rate in official returns. Those for sugar and 
molasses are those of the New Orleans prices current. As all 
these products are the results of slave-labor, in addition to what 
supplies food for consumption, they are very nearly the ex- 
changeable values produced per hand, and the increase has been 
in regular progression. The exportable value per hand that 
was $16.10 in 1800, has risen to $65.61 in 1859, and was $43.51 
per hand in 1850, the date of the census, when, as seen in the 
above table, the food production in that section equalled that 
of the West, which had no other production. This large value, 
amounting to $262,560,374, is remitted to the North, either in 
the shape of sterling bills drawn against that portion sent di- 
rectly in Northern ships to Europe, or in produce sent to the 
North. The value of the raw cotton taken by Northern spin- 
ners in 1859, was 760,000 bales, worth $40,000,000. There are, 
unfortunately, no statistics for all -the produce sent north from 
the South, but much may be gathered from the statistics of the 
several cities. Tims, Louisiana sent north in 1859, 280,000 
hhds. sugar, valued at $19,000,000. The city of Eichmond 
sent north $4,000,000 worth of tobacco. Savannah, a large 

Southern Wealth and Norther Profits. 49 

value in lumber, &c. The Boston Post remarks in relation 
to the Southern trade of that city — 

" What does New England buy of the South to keep her 
cotton and woollen mills in operation — to supply her lack of 
corn and flour, to furnish her with sugar, rice, tobacco, lumber, 
etc.? Boston alone received from the Slave States in 1859, cot- 
ton valued at $22,000,000 ; wool worth $1,000,000 ; hides val- 
ued at $1,000,000; lumber $1,000,000 ; flour $2,500,000 ; corn 
$1,200,000 ; rice $500,000 ; tobacco estimated at $2,000,000. 
We thus have $31,200,000 in value, only considering eight 
articles of consumption. Nor have we reckoned the large 
amounts of portions or all of these articles which arrived at 
Providence, New Haven, Hartford, Portland, and other places. 
Nor have we reckoned the value of other articles that arrive at 
Boston, very considerable though it be, such as molasses, naval 
stores, beef, pork, lard, and other animal produce, hemp, early 
vegetables, oysters and other shell-fish, game, peaches, etc. 
May we not estimate then, with good reason, that New England 
bivys of the South her raw materials and other products to the 
amount of $50,000,000 annually? In 1858, about one-third of 
all the flour sold in Boston was received from the commercial 
ports of the Southern States, and in the same year seven-fifths 
of all the corn sold in this city was received direct from the 
States of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. The value of the 
product of sugar and molasses, principally produced in Louisiana, 
in 1858 was about $33,000,000 ; and though but a small portion 
of it came to New England, nearly one-half the crop is con- 
sumed in the Northern States, reaching the points of consump- 
tion by the Mississippi river." • 

The cities of Philadelphia, New York, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, 
and of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, receive quantities that 
swell the figures to $200,000,000, independently of the articles 
mentioned in the above table, which, being added, makes an 
aggregate as follows : 

Sent North in bills and raw materials $262,560,394 

Sent North in other produce 200,000,000 

Total to the credit of the South, per annum $462,560,394 

This is probably an under-valuation of the amount of means 
sent North by Southern owners and producers. The produce 
and the bills drawn against foreign shipments form the credits 
against which the Southern banks draw, and these credits form 


50 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

an important item of deposits in all the Northern banks, but 
particularly in those of New York city, where the "balance 
due banks" swells from 17 millions to frequently 35 millions 
in the summer, when the crops are mostly realized. The vast 
movement of produce also gives premiums to the Northern 
Insurance Companies, whose swelling dividends and premium- 
shares have been so tempting of late. If the South produces 
this vast wealth, she does little of her own transportation, bank- 
ing, insuring, brokering, but pays liberally on those accounts 
to the Northern capital employed in those occupations. Those 
who visit the North in the summer months, crowd the hotels 
and watering-places, and scatter the proceeds of Southern labor 
broadcast among shopkeepers and trades-people in return for 
manufactured articles. 

In the last few years of speculative excitement at the West, 
whence such floods of bonds have been sent to New York for 
negotiation, the presence of the proceeds of Southern crops 
lying in the New York banks, and by them used to sustain the 
stock-market, has been a great aid in the negotiation of those 
Western credits, which were .applied to the construction of rail- 
roads. That large expenditure reflected upon the Western trade, 
producing an .unusual demand for goods, which disappeared 
when the railroad expenditures ceased. A very considerable 
portion of the capital created at the South was applied to the 
consumption of AYestern produce, since the thousands of men 
who were employed in building railroads at the West caused a 
large local demand for that produce on one hand, while they in- 
creased the demand for goods on the other. There has doubtless 
, been a large amount expended for railroad construction at the 
South, but this has not been speculative. We shall in a future 
chapter see that although there are as many miles of railroad 
in operation at the South as at the West, they have cost hardly 
more than half the money per mile, and their influence in de- 
veloping local resources has been immense. We shall see that 
more than 20 per cent, of Western railroad obligations is dis- 
honored, while none of the Southern roads have failed to pay. 
The. reason is, the superior cheapness of the latter. It is also a 
peculiar feature of the Southern roads, that their stocks and 
liabilities are nearly all owned at home. The dividends and 
interest do not therefore form a drain upon Southern resources, 
while at the West that drain has reached a very serious extent, 
and must lead to the breaking up of numerous companies. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 51 

The employment of such numbers, of men at the South as 
are requisite to work 9058 miles of railroad, is, of itself, an im- 
portant item of expenditure, and affords a local market for pro- 
duce not previously enjoyed, while they have a great influence 
in swelling the surplus delivered at the seaboard for exporta- 
tion. The extension of manufactures also at the South imparts 
an increasing demand for local produce. The census gave 
163,904 persons engaged in manufacturing at the South, and 
the progress of that industry is, as we shall see in a succeeding 
chapter, rapid. These are causes which would naturally tend 
to diminish the quantity of produce the South would have to 
send North, unless the production was proportionately increased. 
This appears to be the case, and the supplies that go forward 
by steamboat are continually increasing. An interesting branch 
of this subject is the quantities of farm produce received early 
and late in the year, in the Northern markets, by steamboats 
from the South. New York, particularly, owes nearly all its 
supplies of early and late vegetables and fruits to the Southern 
slave productions received by steam. The tables of the rich, 
and those ample boards spread by the hotels, famed through- 
out the world for the profusion and variety of their bills of 
fare, are indebted to the farm labor of the South for the enjoy- 
ment of those luxuries; and these items amount to many mil- 
lions per annum. It is a little curious that while New York 
draws so largely upon the slave-labor of the South for the sup- 
ply of the table, it also furnishes the same articles, to some ex- 
tent, to free negro Jamaica, in exchange for the spontaneous 
products of that fertile island ; and Northern vessels do the car- 
rying trade at a profit. The South has, nevertheless, prospered 
in the trade, and has taken in exchange a large quantity of 
hats, shoes, clothing, &c, that are manufactured by the arti- 
sans in New York, and who would severely feel the want of 
such a demand should it by any untoward event be cut off. In 
the nature of things, manufacturing must grow rapidly at the 
South, for the reason that the mere expense of transportation 
will, of itself, be an inducement, when the capital shall have 
been acquired, to prosecute these undertakings. The unfortu- 
nate difficulties that have recently sprung up have given a 
great spur to the attempts of manufacturers at the South. 

The progress of these, with the operation of the railroads in 
employing thousands of hands, is the first step towards accu- 
mulating capital at the South, where so much is produced. 

52 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 



The Northern or New England States are endowed by na- 
ture with a mountainous and sterile soil, which but poorly re- 
wards the labor of the husbandman. However, its wooded 
slopes, and tumbling streams, which fall into commodious har- 
bors, early pointed out to the restless energy of the first settlers 
the direction in which their industry was to be employed. 
Ship-building and navigation at once became the leading in- 
dustry, bringing with it more or less wealth. The harsh rule 
of the mother country forbade a manufacturing development, 
and that branch of industry had never got a footing in the col- 
onies. The act of independence which opened up that field of 
employment, also provided, by freedom of intercourse, a large 
market for the sale of manufactures to the agricultural labor- 
ers of the more fertile fields of the Middle and Southern States. 
The genius of Northern industry was not slow in applying the 
capital earned in commerce to the prosecution of this branch of 
labor, and with every increase in numbers, and every extension 
of national territory, the New England States have had only a 
larger market for their wares, while the foreign competing 
supply has been restricted by high duties on imports. The 
mountain torrents of New England have become motors, by 
which annually improving machinery has been driven. These 
machines require only the attendance of females, but a few 
years since a non-producing class, to turn out immense quanti- 
ties of textile fabrics. In the hands of the male population, 
other branches of industry have multiplied, in a manner which 
shows the stimulant of an ever-increasing effective demand. 

At about t^te time that New England became free to manu- 
facture, the discoveries in navigation wrought that singular 
change in commerce by which Charleston, S. C, was no longer 
regarded as the nearest port to Europe, and New York assumed 
its proper position, as the central marine point. The commerce 
of the Middle States rapidly increased, and with that increase a 
larger demand for the manufactures of New England was cre- 
ated. When population spread west of the Alleghanies, and the 
annexation of Louisiana opened the Mississippi river to a mar- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. ;/3 

ket for Western produce, thus putting an end to that Western 
discontent, which had made separation from the East, and con- 
solidation with the lower countries of the Mississippi for the 
sake of an outlet, imminent, a new demand for New England 
manufactures was felt, and this was further enhanced by the 
opening of the Erie canal. In later years, the vast foreign im- 
migration, pouring over new lands opened up by railroads, has 
given a further stimulus to consumption ; more, however, 
through the enormous sums of money sent in that direction to 
build railroads, than by any legitimate development of West- 
ern wealth. The South, in the mean time, has progressed regu- 
larly and solidly, not by help of borrowed capital, but by 
means of the actual sale of its swelling crops, at still rising 
prices. It is to be supposed, that although New England was 
the original source of manufactures, yet, with the progress of 
the national wealth, those manufactures would gradually spread 
towards the markets of consumption, and this in proportion to 
the wealth and enterprise in localities. 

The extraordinary hallucinations that exist in relation to the 
Southern population, and the self-glorification with which North- 
ern writers dwell upon Northern industry, are somewhat sur- 
prising. Thus the Tribune of Feb. 13 bestowed two columns 
upon its readers ; and the basis of the homily were the follow- 
ing assertions : 

"We were apprised, by the official returns of 1850, that the 
lands of the South were held by a small number of proprietors, 
and the residue of the white citizens were without property, 
and therefore were in a serfdom, or, I might say, more than 
that, for the serfs in European countries are at least the culti- 
vators of the soil, and have certain inherent privileges attached 
thereto ; in other words, they are ' adseripti gleba? — the ten- 
ants of the soil ; but the white population of the South, other 
than the great land proprietors, have no interest in the soil, 
nor does it appear what proprietary interest they have in any 
sort of property. Manufactories scarcely exist at the South; 
mechanical industry, distinct from agriculture, has hardly any 

This is the sort of declamation with which, for political pur- 
poses, the Northern ear is dinned. It is probable that the 
writer never saw the census returns ; but, like candidates for 
the most responsible offices of the government, when confronted 
with their signatures affixed to treasonable documents, excuse 
themselves by saying they " signed without reading," because 

Oi Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

some ' power behind the throne'' required tliem to do so. We 
find, on examining the census for ourselves, that all such state- 
ments are without foundation in truth. 
In illustration of* the progress of manufactures in the whole 

Union, we take aggregates from official returns. In March, 
1855, the Honorable James Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury, 
appointed Messrs. R. C. Morgan and TV. A. Shannon to report 
the manufactures of each State from 1790 to 1S50. From page 
87 of that report to the Secretary of the Treasury, June 30, 
1855, we extract the following table of the cotton manufactures 
of each section at four periods, and the aggregate of all manu- 
factures for 1840. 


, Cotton. — * manufae's, 

1820. 1S30. 1S40. 1S50. 1SIO. 


Alabama 17,547 382, ?6o 4. 236, 000 

Arkansas 16,637 1 ,473.7 1 5 

Columbia, D. C 100.000 1, 43 1,020 

Delaware i5i,266 3io,ooo 332,272 538.439 2, 563, 218 

Florida 49.920 587.167 

Georgia 101,232 3o4.342 2,i35.o44 4.631,191 

Kentucky 197,925 329, 38o 273,439 12.182,786 

Louisiana 18.900 8,641,439 

Maryland 274, o3i i,i5o,58o 2,i2o,5o4 i2,43o,866 

Mississippi ')744 3o.5oo 2,386,857 

Missouri 142,900 4.5o5,i86 

North Carolina 17,222 438,900 83i .342 6,824, 3o3 

Pouth Carolina 4,666 359.000 748,338 4.111.247 

Tennessee 125,266 325,719 510.624 8.089992 

Virginia 14.000 446,o63 1,486,384 19.3 17.2 14 

Total §885, 4o8 $3,724,447 §9,367.331 $93,362,202 

Population 4,5o2,224 5,848,3o3 7,334,434 9,664,656 

Connecticut 243,268 1,853,296 2,715,964 4,257,522 19,971,228 

Maine. 35, 750 612. 636 970.397 2,596.356 i3. 792.150 

Massachusetts 735, 5i2 7,754,803 16, 553, 423 19.712. 461 71,010,703 

New Hampshire .. . 154,547 2.447.634 4.142.304 8,830,619 10052,598 

New Jersey 190.915 1,879.180 2,086,104 1,109.524 18,479.444 

New York 738,140 2,706,920 3,640,237 3.591,989 88,574 35o 

Pennsylvania 555.673 2,099,715 5, 013.007 5.322.262 59.140.480 

Rhode Island 988,157 2,645,081 7,116.792 6.447,120 13,428,287 

Vermont 49,882 225, 55o n3,ooo 196,100 6,579.086 

Total goods §3,991,834 $22,224,815 $42, 35i,23o §52,062.953 $301,028,326 

Total population... 4,359,553 5,442,38i 6,761,082 8,626,852 

Illinois 5,956,327 

Indiana 5. 400 i35,4oo 44.200 8.138.274 

Iowa 347.713 

Michigan 3,327,671 

Ohio 5i,3i5 139,378 394,700 27,681,570 

Wisconsin 1,468,723 

Minnesota •. 

New Mexico 

Oregon . 


Total £56,7i5 $274,778 $438,900 $46,920,286 

Total population. . . 772,819 1,575, 336 2,953,737 4, 903, 368 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 55 

It is to be remar :ed, in relation to this cotton manufacture, 
that in the early part of the century nearly all clothing was 
home-spun, or made in families. As the art of manufacturing 
progressed, and cotton became abundant, the quantities of all 
kinds of clothing made in families gradually diminished, being 
supplanted by the machine or power-loom goods, until the 
quantity so made in 1850 had become unimportant. The cot- 
ton manufactures of the West did not prosper up to 1850, 
when the population of that section was equal to that of the 
South in 1820. On the other hand, the cotton manufacture 
in the South had taken a long stride in the ten years ending 
with 1850. The product was about $1 per head of the popu- 
lation : a larger ratio than that of the North in 1820. There 
are no official returns of the progress of the cotton manufacture 
since then; but it is shown that in 1859 the spinners of that 
section took 98,000 bales of cotton, or an increase of 50 per 
cent, over the quantity used in 1850. At the same rate of 
valuation for cloth, the manufacture in 1859 would be valued 
at $1-4,000,000. The rate of progression was far greater than 
in the North and East, where the increase was 25 per cent, 
only, from 1810 to 1850. The manufacture thus shows a strong 
affinity for the neighborhood of the raw material and the mar- 
ket for the goods. " Producers and consumers" attract each 

According to the census returns, the quantity of cotton pur- 
chased by* the Northern spinners in 1810 was 82,077,200 
pounds ; again, in 1850, it was 518,039 bales, of 400 pounds 
each. The quantity was therefore 207,215,600 pounds: and 
the price of the year averaged 6£ cents, according to the treas- 
ury returns of exports, making a value of $13,469,000. This 
year the quantity taken by the same interest was 760,218 bales, 
which, at 460 pounds to the bale, gives 349,701,280 pounds, 
which, at 11 cents average, makes $38,467,140. If we take the 
cloth produced at 4 yards to the pound, at the average of 10 
cents per yard, the results are as follows : 


Lis. used. Value. Goods produced. of goods. 

1840 82.077. 200 6,976.562 4o.35o,453 3g, 373,891 

i85o •... 207,215.600 13,469.000 08,369.185 38.467,424 

1859 349,701,280 38,467,140 140,000.000 ioi,532,86o 

Thus the profits actually fell in this period (1840 to 1850), 
but since then there has been a general improvement. In re- 

56 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

lation to the latter circumstance the above official returns give 
the following facts : 

Value of Goods Produced in certain States. 

, Southern. > 

1840. 1850. 

$332,272 $538,43o 

3o4,3o2 2,i35,o44 

. i,i5o,58o 2,i2o,5o4 


Nortli Carolina. 
South Carolina. 



. 438,900 




$8,8 9 5,835 


1840. J850. 

Indiana $1 35. 400 $44,200 

New Jersey 2,086,104 1,109,524 

New York 3,640,247 3,391,989 

Rhode Island 7,116,792 6,447,120 

Kentucky 329,380 273,493 

$13,307,923 $11,466,326 
Decrease $1,841,597 

This is a singular result, and shows that the cotton manufac- 
ture does not increase in the Middle and Western States, but in- 
creases North and South. In the following states the highest 
increase has taken place : 

1840. 1850. Inarease. 

Connecticut $2,715,964 $4,257,522 $i,54i,558 

Maine'. 970,397 2,596,356 1,625,950 

Massachusetts 16, 553, 423 19,712,461 3,109.038 

New Hampshire 4,142, 3o4 8,830,619 4,688, 3i5 

Vermont n3,ooo 196,100 83, 100 

Total New England $24,495,088 $35,5g3,o58 $11,097,790 

" South 3.378,379 8,8o5,835 5,517,466 

" other States 18,476,986 17,380,291 

$46,35o,453 $61,869,184 

The cost of the cotton is found by adding to the market 
price the value of the waste in spinning ; and the difference be- 
tween the value and the selling price of the goods per pound 
shows the margin out of which is to be paid " profit," labor, 
interest, and other expenses of production. Thus the cost of 
cotton has been as follows : 

1853. 1854. 1855. 1856. 1857. 

Fair, per lb 6.3o 6.18 5.97 6.61 7.78 

Waste, Tath 78 .77 .82 .93 .97 

Cost to trade 7.09 6.95 6.72 7.43 8.75 

39 inch domestics— 26'/ 2 lb 9.53 9.45 9.41 9.52 10. 25 

Margin 2.44 2.49 2.69 2.08 1.40 

Thus, in 1854, the margin was 2±d. per pound, and this 
year less than l\d. per pound. If the profits of 1854 w T ere Id. 
per pound, then the mills must, in the year 1857, have been 
running at a loss of j^d. per pound, and were consequently 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 57 

compelled to work short time. The state of affairs so adverse 
in Great Britain is the same in this country, and affects more 
particularly those coarser descriptions which require more cot- 
ton. In those years when money and labor is cheap, and the 
material dear, the factories save themselves by running on the 
fine numbers, and the reverse in years when cotton is cheap 
and money and labor dear. In the Southern States, the choice 
of fresher material direct from plantation, less the cost of 
expensive transportation, gives great advantages, and is ma- 
terially drawing — with the aid of steam — the mills to the 
neighborhood of plantations, where the supply and choice of 
the best cottons are at hand. The long-stapled Sea Island cot- 
ton — indispensable for numbers above 50 — is grown nowhere 
but in Georgia ; but the soft, silky fibre of New Orleans de- 
scriptions is suitable for all descriptions of work below 50, and 
this cotton is grown nowhere but. in the United States. The 
South has developed a capacity for manufacturing that cannot 
be denied ; and while the progress of the coarse numbers is to 
the South, the capital and skill of the North is progressing 
in the finer business. 

If now we take the aggregate of all manufactures, we find 
the results as follows. 

The statistics of manufactures of the Union, as completed 
under the direction of Jos. E. G. Kennedy, Esq., results in the 
following abstract report of the Secretary of the Interior to 
Congress, January 21, 1859. If we compare the aggre- 
gates with the population of each section, we have results as 
follows : 

, South. , , North. > , West. s 

Population. Value. Population. Value. Population. Value. 

1840 7,334,434 $93,362,202 6,761,082 $301,028,326 2.953,737 $46,920,286 

i85o 9,664,656 164,579,937 8,626,852 715,846,142 4,900,368 138,780,537 

1840. 1850. 

Total population 17,069,453 23,191,876 

Total value $23,191,876 $1,019,106,616 

The South, it appears, is not so entirely destitute of manu- 
factures as the popular mind has been led to believe. 

58 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Manufactures of the United States. 

Establish- Cost of raw Male Female Coat Value 

South. States. merits. Capital. materials, hands, hand*. of labor. of product. 

Alabama 1,026 $3,45o,6o6 $2,224,960 4,397 53g $i,io5,834 $4,528,876 

Arkansas ... 261 3o5.oi5 213,789 812 3o 168,676 537.908 

Maryland.... 3,726 14,764.450 i7,3 9 4.436 22,678 7,483 7,385,832 32.591.892 

Delaware 53i 2,978.945 2,864.607 3.237 65i 9.J6.684 4,649,296 

D. ofColum.. 4o3 1,001,375 1,405,871 2,o36 534 757,584 2,690,208 

Florida io3 547,060 220.611 876 1 ■ 5 199.452 668.335 

<; gia 1,522 5,456,482 3.404.917 6.65o 1,718 1,709.664 7,082,076 

Kentncky 3,609 11,810,462 12,165.075 19,576 1,900 5,106,048 21,710,212 

Louisiana 1,008 5,032.424 2,43t2,5o8 5,458 759 2.033,928 6,779,4.18 

Mississippi .. 947 1,816,820 1,276,771 3.046 108 771,528 2,912,068 

Missouri 2,923 8,576,607 12,798,351 14.880 928 4,692,648 24,324.418 

N.Carolina.. 2,587 7,221,745 4,6o2.5oi io,63o 1,704 1,784,604 8,861,026 

S.Carolina... 1,429 6,o53,265 2,787,534 5,992 1,074 1,127,712 7.043,477 

Tennessee... 2,887 6,527,729 5,1 16,886 11,080 954 2,247,492 9,726,608 

Texas 309 539,290 394,642 1,042 24 322,368 i,i65,538 

Virginia 4, 740 18,109,143 i8,ioi,i3i 25,790 3,320 5,434,476 29.602,507 

Total 27,087 94,995,674 87,779,090 129,672 22,272 35,692,812 164,579,937 

Western States. ^ 

Illinois 3.162 $6,217,765 $8,959,327 10,066 493 $3, i32,336 $16,534,272 

Indiana 4,392 7,750.402 10,369,700 13,748 692 3,728,844 18. -25. 423 

Iowa 622 1,292,875 2. 356, 681 1,687 20 473,oi6 3,55i,783 

Ohio 10.622 29,019.538 34.678.019 47,o54 4,437 i3.4&7,i 56 62.691.270 

California i.oo3 1,006.197 1 .201 . 1 54 3,964 3,717.180 12,862,622 

Michigan 2,023 6. 563, 660 6,i36,328 8.990 354 2,716,124 11.169.002 

Wisconsin... 1,262 3,382. 148 5, 414.931 5, 798 291 1,912.490 9,293.068 

Minnesota.... 5 94,000 24,3oo 63 18,640 58,3oo 

N.Mexico... 23 68,3oo 110,220 81 20,772 249,010 

Oregon 52 843, 600 809, 56o 285 388,620 2, 236^640 

Utah 14 44,400 337,38l 5l 9,984 291,220 

Total 24,096 i55,883,945 69,997,163 116,067 6,297 30,154,078 138,780,537 

Eastern States. 

Maine 3.974 $14,699,152 $i3, 553.144 21.853 6,167 $7,485,588 $24,661,067 

Massachusetts 8,259 83,357,642 85,866,771 96,261 69.677 39,784.116 1 5 1 . 1 37. 1 45 

N. Hampshire 3, 211 18,242,114 12,743.466 14.103 12.989 6.123,876 23,i64,5o3 

New Jersey.. 4,106 22,i83,58o 21.990.236 28,547 8,762 9,202,680 39. 711, 206 

New York... 23,553 99,904.403 134.655,674 147.737 51,712 49.i3i,ooo 237. 597. 249 

Pennsylvania. 2i,6o5 94.473,810 87,206,377 124.688 22.078 37,i63.322 155.044.910 

R. Island.... 853 12,923,176 13,183.909 12,837 8.044 5. 008, 656 22.093. 258 

Vermont 1,840 5,001,377 4.172,552 6.894 1 ,55 1 2,202.468 8.570920 

Connecticut.. 3,482 23,890,348 23,589,397 31,287 16, 483 11,696,236 46,110,102 

Total 71,842 382,366,732 397,347,569 487,398 197,363 170.908,574 715,846.142 

Grand Total... 123,025 533,245,351 555,123,S22 731,137 225.922 236,755,464 1,019,106,616 

In the table of manufactures the largest item is flour and 
grist mills, reaching $136,056,736. This manufacture is com- 
mon to all sections, and Virginia ranks the fourth State in that 
respect. If we draw off from the official report the proportion 
of leading manufactures in each section, the results are as fol- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 59 

East. West. South. Total. 

Boots and shoos $45,25o.3o5 $2,179,086 $6,529,017 $53,967,408 

Hats and caps 13,043.490 449-556 826,813 14,319,864 

Clothiers 33,837,691 4,037.900 io,436,u8 48.311.709 

Cutlery and tools 3,382,520 251,370 179.351 3,8i3,52o 

Distilleries 8,420,747 5,36i,3o4 1,987,189 15,770,240 

Iron-forges 6,429,160 83i,6o2 1,741.843 9.002,703 

Iron foundries 13.969980 3,3 1 3, 1 D2 2,828,385 20,111,317 

Iron furnaces 8,080,674 1,714.902 3,196,322 13,491,898 

Hardware 6,725.720 164,010 78.040 232, o5o 

Nails 6,796,335 68,254 797,555 7,662,144 

Iron railing 5,540,570 197,500 1.593.01 1 6,936,081 

Lumber 31.897.614 14,243.265 12.379,085 58,520,966 

Cabinet ware 9,376,371 3,025,423 0.261,260 i7,663,o54 

Carpenters and builders 11,080.491 931882 4,874,446 16,886,819 

Tanners and curriers 27,136,467 3.808.657 6,757.209 37.702,333 

Woollens *. 35.900.609 2.318.102 1,579.846 39.848.507 

Cottons ... 52,062.903 438,900 9,367, 33i 61.867.884 

Total $319, 45o, 652 $43,334-955 $62,212,821 .$455,226,769 

Flour mills $67,529,922 $25,4i5,o48 $43,111,766 $i36,o56,736 

If we deduct the flour product from the aggregate of manu- 
factures, the remainder is K>s:;,o50,.S80 ; and the 17 heads of 
manufactures here enumerated, it appears, are rather more 
than one-half of that amount. Of the aggregates of these 17 
leading articles the South manufactures 50 per cent, more than 
the West. In clothing of all kinds the South exceeds the West 
in the manufacture. But in the article of rum the West seems 
to have the advantage : whether that manufacture, like that of 
hay, is to be taken as an indication of superior thrift, or moral- 
ity, or philanthropy, in the free-labor section over the slave- 
labor region, may be determined by the disposition of those 
who have the matter under consideration. 

If now we compare the white population of each section with 
the number employed in manufactures, and give the product 
per head of the whole population, the results are as follows : 

White Hand* % 

population. employed. Product. P<w head. 

South 6.222,418 101,944 $i64,579,9"7 $26.30 

West 4.900.::68 122,304 138,780.537 2S.00 

North 8,626,852 684.761 725,846,142 83.oo 

Total 19,749,638 959.069 $1,019,106,616 $5i.6o 

If it is assumed that the quantity produced in this country is 
equal to its consumption of domestic manufactures, then the 
average consumption is. it appears, $51.60 per head, of the 
whites; but it is probable that the North and East consume 
more per head than the other sections, and that the South, by 
reason of the negroes, consumes more than the West. If we 
take Northern consumption at $60 per head, the Southern at 
$50, and the West at $,40, the results will be as follows : 

60 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Consumed. Made. Surplus. Deficit. 

North $517,601,120 $715,846,142 $198,145,022 

South 311,120,900 164,579,937 i46.52o,i63 

West 196,014,720 138,780,537 57,234,i83 

Total $1,024,736,740 $1,019,206,616 $198,145,022 $203,754,346 

Tims the balance of Southern purchases from the North, in 
manufactures, would be $146,520,163 per annum, and of West- 
ern $57,234,183. This balance is composed of dry-goods, shoes, 
hats, hardware, &c, as their chief items. 

The Boston Post contains a long and able article, showing 
the extent of the trade between New England alone and the 
South, from which we make the following extract : 

" The aggregate value of the merchandise sold to the South 
annually we estimate at some $60,000,000. The basis of the 
estimate is, first, the estimated amount of boots and shoes sold, 
which intelligent merchants place at from $20,000,000 to 
$30,000,000, including a limited amount that are manufactured 
with us and sold in New York. In the next place, we know 
from merchants in the trade, that the amount of dry -goods sold 
South yearly is many millions of dollars, and that the amount 
is second only to that of the sales of boots and shoes. In the 
third place, we learn from careful inquiry, and from the best 
sources, that the fish of various kinds sold realize $3,000,000, 
or in that neighborhood. Upwards of $1 ,000,000 is received 
for furniture sold in the South each year. The Southern States 
are a much better market than the Western for this article. It 
is true, since the establishment of branch houses in New York, 
Philadelphia, and other cities, many of the goods manufactured 
in New England have reached the South through those houses; 
but still the commerce of New England with the South, and 
this particular section of the country receives the main advan- 
tage of that commerce. And what shall we say of New Eng- 
land ship-building, that is so greatly sustained by Southern 
wants? What shall we say of that large ocean fleet that, by 
being the common carriers of the South, has brought so large 
an amount of money into the pockets of our merchants? We 
will not undertake to estimate the value of these interests, sup- 
ported directly by the South. If many persons have not be- 
come very rich by them, a very large number have either found 
themselves well to do, or else have gained a living." 

This estimate of the Post for New England alone, is about 
half the aggregate that the census indicates as the sales of 
Northern manufactures to the South. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 61 

The South manufactures nearly as much per head, of the 
white population, as does the West. Both these sections hold, 
however, a provincial position in relation to the East. As we 
have seen, heretofore, the first accumulations of capital in the 
country were at the East, from the earnings of navigation and the 
slave-trade. These were invested in manufactures, " protected" 
by the tariffs imposed by the federal government. The opera- 
tion of these tariffs was to tax the consumers in the South and 
West, pro rata, upon what manufactures they purchased of the 
East, and, by so doing, to increase Eastern capital at the ex- 
pense of those other sections. The articles mostly protected, 
and of which the cost is enhanced to the consumers, in propor- 
tion to the duties, are manufactured at the East to the extent of 
$320,000,000, of which $200,000,000 are sold South and West. 
This gives an annual drain of $50,000,000 from the consumers 
of those sections, as a bonus or protection to the capital em- 
ployed in manufacturing at the North. The claim for this pro- 
tection is based upon the necessity of protecting home manu- 
factures against the overwhelming capital of England. The 
manufacturers of the South and West have to contend, how- 
ever, not only against the overwhelming capital of New Eng- 
land, created in manufactures, but against the drain of capital 
from each locality, caused by the protection to Eastern goods. 
In spite of this disability, as we have seen in the tables, the 
manufactures of those sections increase, and at the South faster 
than at the West. There is another feature of this manufactur- 
ing industry which deserves attention. It is, that one-third of 
the hands employed at the East are females, and the product of 
their labor is made efficient by steam-machinery. If we take 
the relative numbers employed in each section in the cotton 
trade, the result is as follows : 

North. West. South. Total. 

Male 27,392 334 5,569 35,295 

Female 53, 184 5i3 8,960 62,661 

The Northern labor is largely performed by females, and 
this element of labor is supplied by immigration in nearly its' 
whole extent, a very large proportion of the females employed 
in the factories being Irish. At the South, female labor is 
taking the same direction with great success. 

If we compare the whole number of persons employed in 
manufactures of all kinds at the South, with those so employed 

62 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

at the "West, as seen in the above census table, we find at the 
South the number employed is 151,944, or one in 41 of the 
white population. At the West the number so employed is 
122,304, or one in 40 of the population. These figures give no 
advantage to the free-labor section, as opposed to the slave-labor 
scci ion. There is here no evidence that the existence of slavery 
is in any degree opposed to the development of white industry. 
It is only another evidence in corroboration of that afforded by 
the history of the Northern States. The theory has been ad- 
vanced against the extension of slavery into the territories, that 
slavery degrades labor, and drives out free industry. In 1790 
the New England and Middle States had 1,968,455 inhabitants, 
of which 40,372 were slaves. Did that slave-labor drive out 
white labor? or has not the latter extinguished the former, and 
cast adrift the then well-cared-for negroes, to starve in little 
bands on the outskirts of the towns and villages, their former 
happy homes, the wasting monument of the incapacity of a 
race, and of the selfishness of that philanthropy which found a 
pecuniary relief in conferring the blessings of liberty on their 
henceforth useless servants ? 

"What we do find in these figures is, that the South, having 
become possessed of capital, is prosecuting manufactures at a 
rate which will soon make a "home market" for its raw mate- 
rials, and place it foremost in the rank of exporters of goods. 
The figures show that it is fast supplanting Northern and im- 
ported goods with its own industry. It will not, like the 
North, however, have provincial markets iOLSu-ppky, but having 
all within its own border, will imrriiaTly diminish its purchases 
from the North. It wilWilvve foreign markets for its surplus. 
The countries ofHSouth America and Asia will be open to it, 
and if it there encounters British and New England competition 
it will have the advantage of having, unprotected, developed 
its manufactures in face of the competition of Northern goods 
in the home market, and therefore become able to meet those 
goods in any market. If, in a few years, it does not become a 
seller of cotton goods to the North, on a large scale, as it already 
is on a small scale, since Georgia and Alabama cottons are fa- 
vorites in New York, it will take none from them. The North 
will, however, still recpiire food and materials, and the scale of 
dependence may vibrate. 

We have here confined our remarks to the actual figures of 
the census of 1850. It is to be borne in mind, however, that 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 63 

industry of all kinds has made rapid strides in all parts of the 
Union since the date of that census. There are, however, un- 
fortunately, no general official figures for the state of industry 
since. The States of Massachusetts and New York give State 
returns for the year 1855, and those returns, as compared with 
1850, show prodigious progress. 

, 1850. , , 1855 . 

Capital. Bands. Value. Capital. Hands. Value. 

Mass 83,357,642 165,948 l5i, i37,l45 120.693,258 245,908 295,820,682 

New York.. 99,904,403 199,449 237,597,249 106,349,977 214,899 3i7,428,33i 

Total 183,262.045 365,397 388,734,394 227,048,235 460,807 613.249,014 

Increase 43,781,190 95,410 224,514,620 

This rate of increase has been immense. Those two States, 
according to the national census of 1850, produced more than 
half the whole amount of Northern manufactures. If they 
hold the same proportion now, the Northern manufactures will 
reach 81,230,000,000, and of these the sales to the South will 
reach $300,000,000. On the other hand, the Southern manu- 
factures will have increased in as rapid a ratio — the demand for 
goods being in the double proportion of increasing numbers^ 
and of greater wealth per head. "We have seen that the agricul- 
tural wealth of the South swells annually in volume. A late 
number of the New York Herald contains, from a corre- 
spondent, the following figures in relation to mills near Co- 
lumbus, Georgia : 

" The Eagle mills, established since 1850, use 300,000 lbs. 
wool, and 736,000 lbs. of cotton. It has 136 looms, employs 
TO girls, who earn 50 cents to $1 per day. It employs 225 
hands, and pays 10 per cent, dividends. Other mills are as 
follows : 

Spindles. Looms. Hands. Goods. 

Eagle i36 225 Cotton and woollen. 

Howard 5,ooo . . . 200 Cotton. 

Grant ... 100 " 

Columbus ... 200 " 

Corvetta 2,700 ... 75 " 

Macon ... 180 f " 

Planters 3, 200 ... 75 " 

Milledgeville 3.i36 ... i2» " 

Meetwater 6,000 80 200 " 

Eovera ... 5o " 

Athens 2.5oo ... 5o " 

Princeton 2.424 ... 70 Cotton and woolleD. 

Mars Hill 35o 12 ... Cotton. 

Whites 1,740 20 ... " 

Schleys ... ... " 

Eowell 10,000 ... 35o " 

Augusta 10,000 200 400 " 









6 7 5° 
















61 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


Broad Eiver 5, 000 

Eaton i,836 

Richmond 1 ,5oo 

Troup 1,600 

Franklin 1,320 

Waymana 1,664 

Flint liiver i,56o 

Thomaston 1,260 

Rock Mills 600 

Brothurs 1 ,000 


"The operatives in all these factories are white people, 
chiefly girls and boys from twelve to twenty years of age. On 
an average they are better paid, and worked easier than is 
usually the case in the North. Country girls from the pine 
forests, as green and awkward as it is possible to find them, 
soon become skilful operatives, and ere they have been in the 
mills a year they are able to earn from four to six dollars a 
week. They are only required to work ten hours a day. Par- 
ticular attention is paid to the character of the operatives, and 
in some mills none are received but those having testimonials 
of good moral character and industrious habits. Churches and 
Sunday-schools are also attached to several of the manufacto- 
ries, so that the religious training of the operatives may be 
properly attended to." 

The movement of population is to be taken into the account, 
in connection with this subject of the manufactures and sec- 
tional industry. We have already stated that the New Eng- 
land female labor is largely foreign. We may now turn to 
the official statistics, and take therefrom the number of aliens 
who arrived in the country in 20 years, ending with 1850, and 
we find it is 2,466,200 souls. Of these, very few went South. 
The number, according to the census, living at the South, of 
foreign origin, was 316,670. Of these, a considerable number 
were annexed by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida. The 
number living at the North, of foreign origin, was 1,923,865. 
Of these, 601,928 dwelt at the West. The greater proportion 
of these emigrants at the North were mechanics of various de- 
scriptions, and very many of them brought their own capital 
into the country. The estimate of what each brought has not 
been less than $100, which would give $60,192,800 carried 
into the West, and $132,183,700 located North and East, or 
very nearly two hundred millions of the capital of the North 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 65 

and West was brought in by immigrants, who prosecuted with 
it those small trades, the products of which found such ready 
market from Southern buyers. German hatters, cabinet-ma- 
kers, tailors, &c, swarm in the Northern cities. A " turn-out" 
of 3000 German tailors alone took place on one occasion in 
New York city. Although these persons are located at the 
North, their employment comes almost altogether from the 
South. Indeed, without the growing capacity of the South to 
absorb larger amounts of goods annually, the North would be 
utterly unable to keep employed the crowds of foreign artisans 
which arrive each week. While the South gives them the 
employment, their arrival is a blessing to the whole country. 
In the North, the female portion of the community have, as 
we have seen, also become producers. This immigrant move- 
ment has added an element to Northern and Western progress 
which the South has not received, but it has nevertheless well 
maintained its relative position. 

The sales of Northern manufactures to the South, as part 
of the offset to the large receipts of Southern produce, may 
be placed at $150,000,000, and from the West at possibly 
$30,000,000 ; making $180,000,000 worth of domestic mer- 
chandise purchased by the South, in addition to the imported 

The efforts which are being now made at the South to foster 
the production of goods there to the exclusion of Northern 
wares, are very similar to those which were made by the 
New England colonies, when dissatisfaction began to run high 
against the mother country. In the year 1761, there had been 
imposed restrictions upon trade which gave great offence. 
The colonies, therefore, determined to wear no more English 
cloth, but to manufacture for themselves, and' home-spun be- 
came the fashion. " Associations were entered into to retrench 
all superfluous expenses (and particularly funeral mournings), 
and to encourage every species of manufacture ; and they ac- 
tually set about it with so much ardor, that they soon pro- 
duced such specimens as caused them to think they could do 
without the foreign trade." — McPherson. 

In the year 1767, General Phineas Lyman applied for a 
grant to settle the Ohio country as a military colony, and his 
memorial states : " The time will doubtless come when North 
America will no longer acknowledge a dependence on any 
part of Europe. But that period seems to be so remote, as 

66 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

not to be at present an object of rational policy or human pre- 
vention ; and it will be made still more; remote by opening new 
scenes of agriculture, and widening the space which the colo- 
nists must first completely occupy." 

Twelve years after the rude "specimens" of manufacture were 
produced ; and nine years after General Lyman's remarkable 
letter, the separation, which all treated as chimerical, took 
place, and the facts are a lesson to the existing times. That 
North which, 96 years since, was derided by the English for 
adopting home-spun in self-defence, is now deriding the South 
for a similar determination. The North derides Southern sepa- 
ration, and, in the lead of purblind politicians, is pushing dis- 
satisfaction to an extent as great as did the absurd ministers 
of George III., but for far more futile reasons. England 
sought revenue. The North, now in the enjoyment of every 
possible advantage, seeks, in the mere wantonness of prosper- 
ity, to enforce abstractions upon the South, that must prove 
as fatal to that section as to the whole Union. The South is 
not now in the destitute condition that the colonies were. 
They have, as we have seen, a large manufacturing industry, 
and they have already begun to apply to it that spur which 
was so effective with the colonies. Our ancestors smiled 
when a swaggering Colonel in Parliament assured ministers 
that " with a single regiment he could march through the 
colonies, from one end to the other, with fire and sword." In 
our day, a swaggering Congressman asserts that the " eigh- 
teen millions of people at the North will not permit separa- 
tion." The fatuity of our day is expressed in the same lan- 
guage as was that of Lord North. Gov. Pettus has recom- 
mended to the Legislature of Mississippi the imposition of five 
or ten per cent, taxes on all wares offered for sale in that State, 
which are not made in it. The Governor of Virginia has made 
a similar proposition. In Louisiana the following language is 
held : " Better rely upon encouragement than repression. Of- 
fer five, or some other per cent., upon every thing made in the 
State, and manufactories would soon spring up which would 
gradually shove the manufactures of other communities out of 
the market. At the same time it would lead to no litigation, 
cause no bad blood, produce no sectional reaction elsewhere, 
and oppress no portion of the people of the State. It would 
have a tendency to create home manufactures, and thus make 
the State independent. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 67 

"Let the Legislature of Louisiana adopt the encouraging 
system, rather than the system of repression. The latter is ex- 
ceedingly difficult to enforce, and generally fails of its objects 
at last." 

All the States are active in this direction, and great results 
will follow. If there is no more serious consequences from 
their movements, a large increase of manufactures will supply 
the local demand, and a struggle take place between the North- 
ern and the local manufacturers. In the long run the latter 
must triumph, even if the Northern States should adopt the 
French system, and give a drawback upon exports from the 

It certainly is one of the most extraordinary spectacles of 
the age to see a great, intelligent, and manufacturing people 
voluntarily permitting a few political aspirants to attack their 
best customer, and seek to destroy his means of purchase, and 
merely for a chimera. The French Emperor has proclaimed 
that France alone " goes to w ar for an idea." But America 
presents the spectacle of a people who go to destruction for an 
" idea." That political party which threatens with fire and 
sword every Southern hearth, with violent death every South- 
ern man, and with dishonor every Southern female, amid a 
saturnalia of blood, receives countenance from merchants whose 
trade depends upon the good-will of their threatened neighbors, 
and yet vainly hope that they will continue to buy Northern 
wares, and make no effort to prepare for that hour which the 
tendency of that party, for the last 30 years, makes inevitable. 



In the preceding chapters we have observed the extraordi- 
nary progress which the Union as a whole has made, since the 
formation of the government, in material well-being. In 60 
years its whole agricultural production has risen from an unim- 
portant sum to §1,070,000,000, and its manufactures from 
nothing to $1,019,000,000. All sections have contributed more 
or less to this progress, which has met those popular wants that 

68 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

have increased in the double ratio of greater numbers and 

affluence. It follows from this immense increase in the prod- 
ucts of industry, that a considerable surplus of many articles 
above the wants of the people remained for exchange with the 
products of foreign nations. We find accordingly year by year 
as the production went on, that external commerce extended 
itself. In 40 years last past the imports and exports from an 
aggregate of $39,500,000, rose to $681,000,000. The surplus 
of the country flowed off in exchange for such articles of 
foreign origin, as were wanted to supply necessaries or pamper 
increasing luxury. 

The nature of international trade is for two countries to ex- 
change such products as each by peculiarity of climate or nat- 
ural facilities can produce to the best advantage. Where two 
countries having nearly the same soil and climate occupy them- 
selves with the same pursuits, an extensive trade between them 
is not possible. Each produces for itself a sufficiency of what 
the industry of the other turns out. This was very early recog- 
nized in the case of the New England colonies and was the 
leading motive for prohibiting them from manufacturing. They 
were confined to catching fish, and selling it, with lumber, &c, 
to the West Indies, for tropical products, to send to England, 
in payment of the manufactures she furnished them. 

The trade of the North American colonies with England up 
to the time it was interrupted by the growing difficulties with 
the mother country, may be seen in the figures for the year 

Jmportpd from Exported to 

England. England. 

New England 439,765 88,157 

New York 5i5,4i6 53,697 

Pennsylvania 435,191 36,258 

Total £1,410,372 £168,112 

Virginia and Maryland 515,192 559,408 

Carolina 3o5,8o8 34i ,727 

Georgia i8,388 3i,325 

Total £83 9 ,388 £ 9 32,46o 

Grand total £2,249,760 £1,100,572 

It is here observed that the " balance" against the Northern 
colonies was very large, while there was a balance due the 
South. The Northern colonies at that time, as ever since, had 
nothing fitted to the English market, and yet they purchased 
largely of England, and paid well. They managed to do this 

SoutJiern Wealth and Northern Profits. 69 

by sending small, cheaply-built vessels to the West India 
islands, laden with the interior sort of fish, caught by their 
fishers, beef, pork, butter, horses, poultry, corn, flour, cider, 
apples, cabbages, onions, &c, and these were sold mostly for 
coin, which was remitted to England. They also sold the best 
fish to the Catholic countries of Europe, and remitted to Lon- 
don the bills drawn against it. This was the simple business of 
New England. The trade of the Northern colonies with 
Europe and the West Indies stood thus : 

Exported to Imported from 

New England 407.3i4 34o.33g 

New York 1 i8,524 w3.o46 

New Jersey 2,53 1 i 990 

Pennsylvania 382,644 194,841 

Total $911,013 $65o,2i6 

The exports of the South paid for all they imported, and 
trade being then far more direct than it has since become, the 
real state of their balances could easily be distinguished. The 
New England vessels returning from Europe made the African 
coast for slaves, which they sold in the Southern ports, and by 
so doing, absorbed the balance due those colonies from England. 

When the American Union was formed, and the North em- 
barked so eagerly in manufacturing, that circumstance of itself 
would soon have brought all trade between New and old Eng- 
land to an end, if the former could not have commanded produce 
to send thither. Accordingly, we find that the growth of the 
trade has been almost altogether in Southern produce, swollen 
from time to time with some Western grain, when famine abroad 
caused an extra demand for food, and latterly California gold 
has increased the exports. The growers of the Southern prod- 
uce are they who have required the imports. As the Colonies 
had obtained Southern produce for slaves, so the States ex- 
tracted it in exchange for manufactures. The aggregate im- 
ports and exports have been as follows, since the accounts 
began to be regularly kept : 

United States Imports and Exports. 

Imports. Domestic exports. 

1821 $23,i8o.862 $16,339,109 

i83i 41,854,323 28,841,436 

1841 45,73o.oo7 44,184,357 

i85i 90,612.23s 105,121,921 

1857 360,890, 141 348,043.635 

1859 338,768,i3o 342,279,591 

The general trade of the country is governed by the amount 

70 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

of domestic productions to be sold. Thus a certain amount of 
cotton, tobacco, rice, wheat, corn, &c., is required for the con- 
sumption of the people. The quantity produced beyond what 
is required for those wants, or beyond what the people can pay 
for, is exported to meet the wants of other nations, and it goes, 
through the unerring skill of the merchants, to those countries 
that want it most. Of cotton and tobacco there is not enough 
raised to meet the demand, and those countries get it which 
pay the best for it. In some years this is the case with food. 
In 1846, '7, and 1854, '5, there was not enough, and all countries 
bid against each other for it. The United States sold largely, 
except in 1855, when there was no surplus here beyond the 
wants of the people, and none was sold. In usual years a good 
deal of grain can be spared. These raw products, nearly all 
furnished by the South, compose two-thirds of the domestic 
merchandise exported. The proceeds of all return into the 
country mostly in the shape of manufactures. The amount is 
increased by the earnings of American ships abroad, and also by 
the sums sent to this country for investment. From this aggre- 
gate is to be taken the interest due abroad, and the expenses of 
American travellers there, or nearly as follows, for the last year. 

Exports — domestic produce §278,392.080 

Surplus California gold product 42,000.000 

Freight earnings — estimate 3o. 000. 000 

Total to credit .$300,392,080 

Interest due abroad £1 5, 000,000 

Expenses of travellers 20,000,000 


Actual net imports, 1859 3 16,823,370 

This gives the amount of goods that, are received in exchange 
for produce sold. It is obvious that unless the produce is given 
away, something must be taken in payment. As we produce 
gold in sums larger than we require, that cannot be imported 
to advantage. We have food and raw material in excess, and 
can therefore, if we trade at all, take only such foreign wares 
as those who buy of us can supply to the best advantage. The 
food, the gold, and the cotton which we sell, Europe must have, 
and sales of these regulate the quantities of goods, pretty nearly, 
that come back. The kinds of goods so received depend, in 
some degree, upon their ability to compete with the Northern 
manufactures, which have the preference. If a Massachusetts 
factory can make a certain style of cotton goods as cheap as the 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 71 

English, it has a duty of 20 per cent., and 10 per cent, charges, 
or 30 per cent, preference over the English, which insures it 
the market at a large profit. The account is sometimes dis- 
turbed by credit. As in the case of the recent railroad specu- 
lation, large sums are sent from England here for investment. 
If these in one year reach, say, $30,000,000, goods to that 
amount may be, and are, imported, in addition. It also hap- 
pens, at such seasons, that sellers supply goods on credit to 
other than regular merchants. Those dealers sustain them- 
selves by bank operations until explosion takes place. The 
trade then settles back to the real staple exports of the coun- 
try ; and these, as we have said, are of Southern origin. 

The leading exports from the country, from time to time, 
have been as follows: 

United States Exports. 

Flow and 

Tear. Cotton. Tobacco. provisions. Rice. Manufactures. Total. 

1790 42.285 4.349,367 5,991.171 1,753,796 19,666,101 

i8o3.... 7,920,000 6.209000 i5, 2.000,000 42,20.5,961 

1807 14. 232. 000 5.476.000 1 5.706.000 2.307.000 2,3og,ooo 48,699,592 

1816 24.106.000 i2.J-'ogooo 20,087,376 2.378,880 2, 64,7^i. l Vj 

1821 20,167,484 5,648,962 12,34i,36o 1. /.9i. 387 2, 752.63i 43,671,894 

i83i 31,724,682 4,892,388 12.424.701 2,016,267 5.0S6.S90 59,218.083 

lS36 ... 71.284925 10,008,640 9,588 3J9 2.548.-;5o 6.107,528 100.916.680 

1842 47,593,464 g,54o,755 10902,876 1. 907. 3H7 7.102,101 91,799.242 

1847 53,4i5,848 7,242,086 68,701.921 3.005.896 1 0,35 1,364 150,574,844 

i85i . . . . 1 1 2,3 1 5,3 17 9,219,201 2i,948.65i 2,170,997 20,136.967 178.620,138 

l85g 161,434.923 21, 074.038 37,987,395 2,207,148 32,471,927 278,392,080 

These iigures are from the Treasury tables. In 1790 the same 
general state of trade existed as before the war. The tempo- 
rary free trade with France had given some little impulse to 
business, but the Northern ships no longer enjoyed the same 
privileges in the English ports, and the slave-trade was injured 
by the want of coast goods, and by the great depression in the 
value of blacks in the South. With the French wars, however, 
the carrying trade became active, and a large market for pro- 
visions was opened up on the continent. The Middle States and 
New England then supplied considerable quantities, and in 1803 
business was flourishing. In 1807 the trade was large. The em- 
bargo was to take place in the following year, and produce was 
hurried forward, and cotton, t<»bacc<>, and rice were one-half the 
whole. The embargo and the war had a serious effect upon 
Southern staples ; but the events of those years conferred fortune 
on many a Northern merchant. New York has just buried one 
of her oldest merchants, whose princely fortune was begun by the 
large pr< tfits on cotton. The princely Girard owed his fortune to 

72 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

the slave accumulation of St. Domingo ; and there arc few " old 
families" North whose fortunes are not dated from slave con- 
nections. With the return of peace, in L816, the exports were 
largely developed; the produce accumulated during the war 
went forward in great, affluence. The New England States 
had, however, then embarked in manufactures, and the popu- 
lation of the North, soon absorbed in those employments, con- 
sumed all their own provisions and breadstuff's, and there was 
little to export beyond that sent from the South to the South 
American States. With the great development of manufac- 
tures in England and Western Europe, the same circumstances 
occurred, and an outside supply of provisions became yearly 
more necessary. The West nearly reached a condition to sup- 
ply this demand when the "free trade" policy was adopted by 
England, in 1842. The famine of 1846 carried the export of 
breadstuff's and provisions from the U. States to its highest 
point ; and it has since subsided because in some cases the sur- 
plus growth of the West did not suffice to feed the Eastern 
States, even with the aid of the South, and leave any thing for 

The manufacturers of the north have not afforded much sur- 
plus for export. They were bred up under the protective sys- 
tem, avowedly because they could not compete with the 
English manufacturer in this market, and it was not to be ex- 
pected that they could, under such circumstances, do so in a 
third market. The greatest increase that has taken place in 
manufactures has been in cotton goods, and these have in- 
creased in the proportion in which, as we have seen in a former 
chapter, the progress of manufactures at the South has occu- 
pied the home market. The South affords the material for that 
manufacture. The exports of breadstuffs and provisions are 
also due to the South, since but for the quantities of these 
which are sent North to feed the Eastern States, little or no 
Western produce could be spared for Europe, even at high 
prices. In this respect the West is situated like the English 
West Indies. There is prolific land enough to raise abundance 
for export, but no labor. The introduction and use of labor- 
saving machines alone enables the West to export at all. The 
use of these requires more capital than the agriculturists 
generally possess , but with time, no doubt, they will increase. 

The West enjoys within its bosom almost limitless supplies 
of raw material for every description of manufacture except 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 73 

cotton. Its metals, coal, lumber, building materials, raw ma- 
terials, every thing exists in abundance; requiring only capital 
to develop them rapidly. In this it contrasts strongly with the 
barren hills of New England, which are as destitute of metals 
as of fertility. They afford no materials for the employment 
of her busy people, not even a sufficiency of wool. They have 
hitherto had their food and materials brought to them, and 
have sent back goods in return, manufactured under cover 
of those protective tariffs which all consumers have submitted 
to for their benefit and the convenience of the Federal Union. 
That state of things cannot last ; the West will acquire capital 
and manufacture for itself. The South is making long strides 
in the same direction, and all the sooner that the North insists 
upon manufacturing morality as well as woollens, and fitting 
the South with new principles as well as new shoes. 

If we analyze the export, trade of the country in respect of 
the origin of the exports, we shall find that more than one-half 
the whole is exclusively of Southern origin ; that of those arti- 
cles that are common to all sections, one-half goes directly 
from the South ; and that of the Northern manufactures that 
are exported, much of the raw material is also of Southern 

The following exports for the years 1857 and 1859 distin- 
guish the origin : 

United States Exports for 1857/ and 1859. 

OfSoutliern origin. 1857. 1S59. 

Cotton $i3i. 573,839 $161,434.92.3 

Tobacco 21,707.799 21. 074.038 

Bice 2,290.400 2,207,148 

Naval stores 2,494, 53o 3,695,474 

Sugar 190.012 196.735 

Molasses 108, oo3 75-699 

Hemp 33,6S7 9,227 

Total $157,402,290 8188,693496 

Other from South 24.398967 8,io8,632 

Cotton manufactures 3.669. 106 4.989.733 

Total from South $i85.47o,?63 $198,389,331 

From the North 93,4i6.35o 78,217,202 

Total merchandise $278,886,613 $278.392080 

Specie 60,078,332 57,5o2,3o5 

The cotton manufactures exported in 1857 amounted to 
$6,115,177. The raw material was valued at GO per cent., or 
$3,669,100 as the interest of the South in that export. The 
" other exports" were composed of breadstuff's, &c. Thus the 

74 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

wheat and corn exportation in that year reached the following 
figures : 

Wheat. Flour. Corn. Total. 

FromSouth 84.145,787 $7,888,167 $1,225,098 $i3, 259,052 

" North 18,094.070 17.994.149 3,939,567 40,047,786 

Total $22,240,357 $25,882,<3i6 $5,184, 665 $53,3o6,838 

The quantity of these articles (-10,047,786) which went direct 
from the Northern States did not exceed the quantities which 
that section received from the South and from Canada. The 
fact was, therefore, that with the exception of manufactures, 
the South furnished nearly the whole, or substitutes for the 
whole exportations of the country. 

On the other hand, if the larger portion of the importations 
were made at the North, for the reason that capital, shipping, 
and geographical advantages are there concentrated, the desti- 
nation of those goods has been largely in the direction of the 
sources of the exports of the country. The goods swelling the 
current of manufacture, that sets South through New York and 
Philadelphia by means of coasting tonnage and railroads, helps 
to cancel the large debt which the North annually contracts. 
The annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the year 
1850, page 101, gives the amount of imported goods consumed 
in the United States in 1850 at $163,186,510, or $7.02 per head 
of the whole population. The distribution of that amount was to 
the South, $43,000,000 ; West, 35,000,000 ; North, $85,180,000. 
In the past year these importations have risen to $317,882,059, 
or a consumption of $10.50 per head, which would give, in the 
same proportion, for Southern consumption, $106,000,000 ; 
for Western, $63,000,000; and for the North and East, 
$149,000,000. If, then, the sales of domestic manufactures to 
the South were, in 1850, $146,000,000, according to the data 
furnished by the census, and as we have seen on other data, the 
manufacture at the North has since increased 50 per cent., while 
the means of the South to pay have increased in even a greater 
ratio, the trade of 1859 would give Northern manufactures 
sold to the South $240,000,000 ; imported goods sold to the 
South $106,000,000; brokerage, interest, freight, commissions, 
insurance, tfcc, on Southern produce and funds 15 per cent., 
or $63,000,000. The number of whites at the South over 20 
years of age is about 3,000,000. It is estimated that if 50,000 
come North every year, their expenditure, at $1000 each, 
would amount to $50,000,000, disbursed for Northern board, 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. ' 75 

goods, fares, &c. If we then recur to the Southern credits 
given in a preceding chapter, the account will stand thus : 

Sent North. Sent South. 

Bills and raw materials $262, 060,394 

Other produce 200,000,000 

Domestic goods $240,000,000 

Imported " 106.000.000 

Interest, brokerage, &c ... 63. 200, 000 

Southern travellers 53,36o,394 

Total $462,560,394! Total §462,560,394 

This is the vast trade which approximates the sura of the 
dealings between the North and the South. These transactions 
influence the earnings, more or less direct, of every Northern 
man. A portion of every artisan's work is paid for by South- 
ern means. Every carman draws pay, more or less, from the 
trade of that section. The agents who sell manufactures, the 
merchants who sell imported goods, the ships that carry them, 
the builders of the ships, the lumbermen who furnish the ma- 
terial, and all those who supply means of support to them and 
their families. The brokers, the dealers in Southern produce, 
the exchange dealers, the bankers, the insurance companies, 
and all those who are actively employed in receiving and dis- 
tributing Southern produce, with the long train of persons who 
furnish them with houses, clothing, supplies, education, re- 
ligion, amusement, transportation, &c, are dependent upon 
this active interchange, by which at least one thousand mil- 
lions of dollars come and go between the North and South in 
a year. The mind can with difficulty contemplate the havoc 
and misery that would be caused on both sides by the breaking 
up and sundering of such ties, if indeed it were possible. If 
we were to penetrate beyond a rupture, and imagine a peace- 
able separation, by which the North and South should be sun- 
dered without hostilities, we might contemplate the condition 
and prospects of each. From what has been detailed above, 
as revealed to us from the returns of the census, it is quite ap- 
parent that the North, as distinguished from the South and 
West, would be alone permanently injured. Its fortune de- 
pends upon manufacturing and shipping; but, as has been 
seen, it neither raises its own food nor its own raw material, 
nor does it furnish freights for its own shipping. The South, 
on the other hand, raises a surplus of food, and supplies the 
•world with raw materials. Lumber, hides, cotton, wool, in- 
digo — all that the manufacturer requires — is within its own 
circle. The requisite capital to put them in action is rapidly 

76 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

accumulating, and in the long run it would lose — after recov- 
ering from first disasters — nothing by separation. The North, 
on the other hand, will have food and raw materials to buy in 

order to employ its labor; but who will then buy its goods? 
It cannot supply England ; she makes the same things cheaper. 
The West will soon be able to supply itself. The South, 
while having the world as an eager customer for its raw prod- 
uce, will not want Northern goods; but she will supply with 
her surplus manufactures the Central and South American 
countries, as now with her flour. As the world progresses, 
manufacturing nations will deal less with each other, because 
they make the same tilings. Their customers must be tropical 
and agricultural communities. But if they quarrel with the 
manners and customs of those countries to the extent of at- 
tempting to force upon them a new system of morality, their 
piety will be its own reward, and the crown of commercial 
martyrdom may be mistaken for a zany's cap. 

There is probably no wish on any side to separate. Each 
section is steadily growing in wealth and strength, and each 
develops its natural resources in the same ratio that its popu- 
lation and capital increase. There is this difference: both the 
South and "West have vast natural resoiirces to be developed, 
and the time for that development is only retarded by the pres- 
ent profits that the North derives from supplying each with 
those things that they will soon cease to want. The North has 
no future natural resources. In minerals, both the other sec- 
tions surpass it. In metals, it is comparatively destitute ; of 
raw materials, it has none. Its ability to feed itself is question- 
able. Its commerce is to the whole country what that of Hol- 
land once was to the world, viz., living on the trade of other 
people. Its manufactures occupy the same position, awaiting 
only the time when the other sections will do their own work. 
When that moment arrives, Massachusetts, which now occupies 
the proudest rank in the Union, will fall back upon her own 
resources, and still claim to be an agricultural state, since her 
summer crop is granite and her winter crop is ice. This period 
the North supinely permits a few unscrupulous politicians, 
clerical agitators, and reprobate parsons to hasten by the most 
wanton attacks upon the institutions of their best customers. 
They are forcing the Northern Slave States to assume to the 
South the same position that New England held to the South 
on the formation of the Union. They are holding out to them 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 77 

the bright prize of becoming the manufacturers, importers, and 
carriers for the South, as the North has been. They offer them 
this brilliant premium to cut their connection with the North, 
in order to enjoy those branches of industry in relation to the 
South which have conferred such wealth and prosperity upon 
New England and the Middle States. England became rich 
by the colonies — repelled them. Her mantle fell on New 
England ; she has become rich, and in her turn repels the 
South in favor of the Northern Slave States. These latter see 
the prize falling to them, and may become eager to grasp it 
before the North shall have awakened to its danger. 



The early occupation of the Northern States being naviga- 
tion, they have pursued the art of ship-building until they have 
become models of the world. In doing so they have acqnired 
large capital, and are the owners of an immense tonnage. 

The development of this industry of the North American 
colonies, and their trade, was probably the first real opposition 
on the ocean that the Dutch received. So much did it nourish 
in the 17th century that Sir Joshua Childs, writing in 1670, 
states that " our American plantations employ nearly two-thirds 
of our English shipping, and thereby give constant subsistence 
to, it may be, 200,000 persons here at home." In 1676 Sir 
William Petty states the shipping of the American trade at 
40,000 tons. 100 years later, in 1769, the vessels built in the 
colonies were as follows : 

Ships built in the Colonies in 1709. 

Square- Sloops and 

rigged. schooners. Tonnage. 

New Hampshire 16 29 2,452 

Massachusetts 40 97 8,01 3 

Ehode Island 8 3i 1,428 

Connecticut 7 43 1 ,542 

New York 5 14 955 

New Jersey 1 3 83 

Pennsylvania 14 8 1,469 

Maryland 9 11 1,344 

Virginia 6 21 1,269 

North Carolina 3 9 607 

South Carolina 4 8 789 

Georgia 2 5o 

Total 1 13 276 20,001 

78 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

The number of tons built in the United States in 1820 was 
47,780, not a large increase over the business of 1769. In the 
40 years that succeeded 1820, the tonnage built rose to 583,450 
tons in one year, step by step, with the increase of cotton. The 
employment of the colonial ships, during nearly 200 years, was 
fish and slaves, — the fish for the Catholic countries of Southern 
Europe, and the slaves for the South, and the West Indies. In 
all that time the construction reached up to 20,001, or 389 sail, 
of an average of 50 tons each. In 1820 the tonnage rose to 
47,780, for 534 vessels, or 90 tons each ; in 1855 there were 
. built 2,034 vessels of 583,450 tons, or 290 tons average, show- 
ing the change in construction from the small cheap vessels 
built for the West India trade, to the large ships required for 
cotton transportation. The fisheries were the chief business of 
the Northern colonists, and they had not only the benefit of the 
large sale to the West Indies and to the Catholic countries of 
Europe, but the eating of fish in England had, by the law of 
Elizabeth, in 1563, been ordered on Wednesdays and Satur- 
days, for the encouragement of seamen, thus affording a large 
market, from which foreign fish were excluded. The same law 
became a custom down to our day, it being still almost univer- 
sal in New England to eat fish on Saturday. Indeed, so strict- 
ly was this custom observed, that in the old slave days of Mas- 
sachusetts, it being ordered that slaves should not be in the 
streets on Sunday, a black was arrested on the Common. He 
denied that it was Sunday, and proved his point by showing 
that, " massa no hab salt fish yesterday." With all this en- 
couragement the tonnage in 200 years made slow progress, 
until the union of the States and cotton growing began to open 
a broader field for navigation, and they have since not only 
carried the large produce of the South abroad, but have con- 
veyed it coastwise. As this business has increased, the ship- 
building at the North has followed its expansion, and it has 
been fostered by the bounties of the federal government, paid 
to the fishermen of that section. Up to 1860 these bounties 
had reached nearly $12,966,998, paid out of the national treas- 
ury to encourage shipping at the North. 

The fisheries being the great business of the North, when the 
Union was formed, a law of July 4, 1789, allowed a drawback 
on fish exported equal to the supposed quantity of salt used. 
This law in 1792 was changed to a bounty per ton on the ves- 
sels engaged in the fisheries, and has been continued down to 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 79 

the present time. The amount of tonnage and allowance paid 
to the fishing-vessels in the last 12 years was as follows : 

Federal Bounty to Fisheries. 

Tonnage of vessels 

engaged in Allowance paid to 

Year. cod-fisheries, fishing vessels, 

1848 82,652 §243,434 

1849 73,882 287,604 

l85o 85,646 286,796 

i85i 87,476 328,267 

i852 102,659 3o4,569 

i853 99.990 323,199 

i854 102,194 374,286 

i855 102,928 346,196 

i856 95,816 271.838 

1857 104,373 464,178 

i858 119,254 389,500 

1859 129,637 426,962 

Twelve years 1,186,717 $4,046,929 

Thus in twelve years the national treasury has paid out 
$4,046,929, as a direct bounty, to sustain one northern interest. 
The whole amount paid has been $12,944,998, and the follow- 
ing States have been the recipients of it : 

States that receive the Federal Bounty. 

Maine $4,i75,o5o 

New Hampshire 563, 1 34 

Massachusetts 7,926,273 

Connecticut 1 82,853 

Rhode Island 78,895 

New York 18,319 

Virginia 479 

Total $ 1 2.944,998 

Thus Massachusetts has received two-thirds of the whole 
amount, for the fostering of one of her interests. This bounty 
is paid out of the national treasury, into which it is collected 
from the Southern consumers of imported goods. 

This has greatly aided the development of ship-building, not 
only in the branch of the fisheries, but in all others, and con- 
firmed New England in its commercial predominance, and we 
shall see, as we progress, that ship-building has remained al- 
most exclusively with the North, which owns about SO per 
cent, of the present tonnage. 

While they furnish the means of transportation, however, 
they, as we have seen in preceding chapters, with the excep- 
tion of the fisheries, furnish very little employment for the 
shipping. There is probably no people in the world who do so 
much freighting, and derive so little of it from their own re- 
. sources. They, in this respect, resemble Holland in the days 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

of Van Tromp, when the inhabitants of the Flemish marshes 
were, by the carrying trade of the world, enabled to wear a 
broom at the mast-head. If the New Englanders have not 
swept the seas with their guns, they have done so by superior 
enterprise, ami the enjoyment of the vast monopoly conferred 
upon them by the South. The carrying of the cotton crop has 
been the basis of the Northern freighting business, and the na- 
tional tonnage has swollen in the following proportion, step by 
step with the cotton product: 

Tonnage owned and built annually in the United States, and the Cotton 


Registered Cotton crop. Vessels 

Year. Fisheries. Steam. and enrolled. bales. built. Tonnage. 

1820 i58,43o 1,1 19,736 225,ooo 534 47,784 

i83o 137.245 64.471 990,260 976,845 637 58,074 

i835 234.457 122, 8i5 i,58o,48i i,254,3?8 507 46,238 

1840 233,112 198,184 1,709,318 2,177,885 872 118J09 

1841 229.282 174.342 1,691,092 1,634,945 762 n8,8o3 

1842 218,047 228,349 1,612.950 1.638,674 1,021 129,083 

1843 219,192 236,867 1,668,271 2,378,875 482 63,617 

1844 262.961 272.178 1.707,160 2,o3o,4oo 766 io3,537 

1843 282,142 325.988 1,769,387 2,394,5o3 i,o38 146,018 

1846 296.398 347.892 1,885.284 2,100,537 1.420 188, 203 

1847 295.486 404,841 2.095,236 1,778,651 1,598 243,732 

1848 318,822 427.890 2.261,804 2,347,634 i,85i 3iS.o 7 5 

1849 297,010 462,393 2,527,772 2,728,596 i,547 256.577 

i85o 309,773 523,946 2,609,544 2,096,706 i,36o 272,218 

1 S5 1 3i9,658 583, 607 2.753,182 2,355,257 1,367 298.203 

i852 368.982 643,240 3070.431 3.015,029 i,444 35i,493 

i853 342,942 604.617 3.388,637 3,262.882 1,710 42.5.572 

i854 3 1 9, i36 676,607 3.747,212 2,930,027 1,774 535.6i6 

i855 311.399 770.285 4,069,162 2,847339 2,o34 583, 45o 

i856 3i 5,162 673,077 3.841.047 3,527.845 i,7o3 469,393 

1837 328,740 705,784 3,862,812 2,939,519 i,434 378804 

i858 339,082 729,390 3,933,453 3. 113.962 1.225 242.286 

1859 347,646 768,762 3,977.970 3,85i.48i 870 i56,6o2 

i860, est 4,000,000 4,3oo,ooo .... 

The sail vessels, under the head of "enrolled,'' as well as 
"registered," are, to a considerable extent, employed in the 
transportation of cotton. As a general rule, a registered ton of 
shipping will carry three bales of cotton. A good deal of the 
cotton is subject, however, to several distinct transportations. 
It is delivered at the Southern ports, by steam and other boats, 
hence sent to Northern ports, thence again shipped to England, 
or to manufacturing towns. This movement so governs the 
shipping trade that whenever the quantity of shipping has been 
stimulated beyond one ton to a bale of cotton produced, in the 
aggregate, there has been, invariably, reaction and depression. 
In 1820 the shipping was large, because there was in existence 
the remains of the trade during the French Wars, and the ton- 
nage lost, condemned, and sold, had not then been fully mark- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 8 1 

ed off from the official registers. Since then, the account has 
been accurately kept. The quantity built was small, up to 
1830, when the proportion of one ton to a bale of cotton exist- 
ed. From 1835, when the same proportion was apparent, there 
was little variation in the quantity built per annum, and the 
proportion of shipping to cotton held good up to the large crop 
of 1813, which immediately gave an impulse to the business of 
ship-building, and tonnage increased annually np to 1846, when 
the amount had again reached the proportion of one ton to a 
bale. In that year, however, took place the Irish famine, caus- 
ing a demand for shipping all over the world, for transportation 
of grain. This demand was aided by the Mexican war, for 
which the government required much transport service. The 
ship-building reached 318,075 tons in 1818, in which year 
those two elements had ceased to act, and there was a heavy 
depression in the trade, since the tonnage exceeded the propor- 
tion of one ton to a bale, in 1850 and 1851. In 1852 the pro- 
portion was recovered, but then took place the revolution in 
ship-building, caused by California. Clipper ships, became the 
rage, and the gold trade carried the tonnage far beyond the 
regular cotton proportion. The result was the same as before ; 
a terrible depression overtook the shipping, and the building 
which had been carried to its greatest height, in 1855, when it 
reached 2,031 vessels, with a tonnage of 583,450, has year by 
year, declined. The quantity " lost, condemned, and sold" to 
foreigners has been more than equal to the production, and the 
sail tonnage is now 91,192 tons less than at its highest point, 
in 1855. The cotton crop has, however, increased, until it 
has resumed its proportion of one bale to the ton. There can 
be no clearer proof than these figures afford, of the utter de- 
pendence of the Northern shipping upon the great Southern 

If we turn to the official tables, distinguishing the three sec- 
tions, we shall have the ownership of the tonnage as follows, 
comparing the years 1830 and 1858, both cotton crop and ton- 
nage having quadrupled in that period. 

-1830 , , 185S. 

Enrolled. Enrolled. 

Registered. Sail. Steam. Registered. Sail. Steam. 

South 109,182 82,849 33,6o5 391, 5i8 297,394 229,180 

West 54 2,090 219 do, 236 219,416 104,009 

North 380,826 471,682 20,010 1,781,369 1,381,893 318,174 

Total.... 490,062 556,621 54,o36 2,223,123 1,898,693 65i,363 


82 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

It is not only the owners of that shipping that derive the 
benefits of that crop, but the builders and their affiliated trades, 
lumbermen, riggers, &c, who reap the benefit of the business. 
If we turn to official sources, we find that the number and ton- 
nage built in each section of the Union has been as follows : 

Number of Vessels built in each section of the Union, with the aggregate 



1849. 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. 

Ships i85 36o 286 228 114 

Brigs 129 120 93 39 36 

Schooners 367 335 319 296 267 

Sloops and canal-boats. 3i4 604 4o6 293 220 

Steamers 95 i55 101 128 102 

Total 1,090 1,574 i,2o5 983 739 

Tons 196,386 497,069 376,647 294,472 170,570 


Ships 12 18 16 20 2 

Brigs 14 6 9 17 9 

Schooners 223 192 i83 i34 112 

Sloops and canal-boats. 46 38 56 38 147 

Steamers 61 54 64 75 73 

Total 356 3o8 328 284 343 

Tons 40,01 5 54,252 45,538 47,83i 43,576 


•Ships 1 3 4 3 4 

Brigs 5 . . 1 2 1 

Schooners 33 76 92 69 52 

Sloops and canal-boats. 10 27 17 27 33 

Steamers 52 44 56 62 5i 

Total 101 i5o 190 i53 141 

Tons 20,176 32,129 47,208 36,5oi 29,140 

Total 256,577 583,85o 469,393 378,804 242,286 

The building of ships and brigs is confined almost entirely 
to New England, with the exception of those that are built in 
Maryland. The sloops and canal-boats of Southern construction 
are nearly all in the District of Columbia. The construction of 
shipping at the "West has hitherto concerned river and lake 
navigation only, but of late some sea-going vessels have been 
there built. Flat-bottomed vessels have been built in Chicago 
for the Sea of Azoff ; that trade is, however, comparatively un- 
important. With every impulse given to ship-building, it is 
the North which has derived the benefit. In the town of Med- 
ford, in Massachusetts, from 1803 to 1846, inclusive, the whole 
number of vessels there built was 382, which, at a valuation of 
$45 per ton for hull, spars, and blocks (which items constituted 
the original terms of contract), amounted to $5,995,035 — the 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 83 

aggregate tonnage being nearly 133,225 tons. The greatest 
number of ships constructed in one year was in 1845, when 
there were thirty, amounting in tonnage to 9,712 tons, and in 
value to $137,010. In the five years preceding April 1st, 1837, 
sixty vessels were built at Medford, upon which there were 
employed two hundred and thirty-nine workmen, and of which 
the measurement was twenty-four thousand one hundred and 
ninety-five tons, and the value one million one hundred and 
twelve thousand dollars. From April 1st, 1844, to April 1st, 
1845, twenty-four ships were launched in Medford, upon which 
were employed two hundred and fifty men, and whose aggre- 
gate tonnage was nine thousand six hundred and sixty tons, 
and whose value was half a million of dollars 

The value of the tonnage built in New England in 1855 was 
$20,000,000 ; in the South, $1,160,000 ; in the West, $980,000. 
"With the reaction of the " clipper" excitement, the New Eng- 
land shipping industry fell to $6,800,000 in 1858, and the South 
suffered some reaction, but not in proportion. In 1855, the 
South built 11 per cent, of the tonnage built at the North ; in 
1858, 25 per cent. The demand in that section for steamers 
and schooners in the coasting trade was supplied at home. 
The cotton crop requires an ever-increasing supply, in spite of 
the railroads. At the West, the falling off in the European 
demand for breadstnffs at the time of great development in 
railroads, evidently injured the schooner-building. The fact 
is apparent, that the South is the only section which main- 
tained its construction of enrolled tonnage, and it did so to 
supply the wants of its great staple. The supply of tonnage is 
now very large, but an unprecedented crop of cotton is coming 
to market, and more active freighting induced by it, will again 
give employment to Northern builders. The value of the 
4,000,000 sail tonnage in the Union is $160,000,000, divided 
as in the following table, which also shows the proportion of 
freight furnished by each section. 

Registered Extent of freights 

Tons. Value of shipping. furnished. 

North 1,781.368 73,145,879 2,000,000 

South 3oi,5i8 17,618,111 24,5oo,ooo 

West 5o,236 2,260,620 j,5oo,ooo 

Total 2,223,122 $93,024,700 $28,000,000 

The South furnishes six-sevenths of the freight, but owns less 
than one-sixth of the tonnage. The North owns 80 per cent. 

84: Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

of the tonnage, and supplies 7 per cent, of the freights. The 
value of these freights is given much less than the actual 
amount. Thus, the cotton crop of the present year will reach 
2,070,000,000 lbs., and the present rate of freight is one cent 
per pound, or 10 per cent, of the value ; this gives nearly 
$l ; 1,000,000 freights for one transportation of the crop, and it 
requires several. The other articles of export hear a similar 
freight of the registered tonnage at the North. New York 
city holds one-half of the outward freights from New York. 
A large portion of that put down to the West is supplanted by 
Southern produce received coastwise, and it could not other- 
wise be spared from Northern consumption. These are the 
outward freights only. The return freights into the country 
are also, to a considerable extent, on Southern account. At the 
same rate per cent, on the value as that paid by cotton, the 
amount derived on the importations is $35,000,000 per annum, 
of which pro rata $12,000,000 is paid by Southern consumers. 
We have, then, $36,000,000 paid by the South to the shipping 
per annum, or a sum double the value of all the tonnage she 
owns, and this without taking into account in any degree the 
coasting freights. This large sum is distributed among the 
merchants, owners, seamen, ship -builders, stevedores, carmen, 
and all their business connections, as the value of the Southern 
connection. That section consents to the profits thus enjoyed 
by the North, while she has it in her power to withdraw them 
by a resort to her own forests and ship-yards. The North thus 
monopolizes the freights, for the reason that she has hitherto 
been able to furnish the cheapest ships. The South has no 
doubt, however, profited by the cheap freights. Had the two 
sections not been united by the bond of free trade, a very little 
legislation would have caused ship-building to grow faster at 
the South than it has hitherto. The evils of disunion would 
be not unconnected with some benefit for the Maryland and 
Delaware ship-builders in this respect. The coasting tonnage 
is supported in nearly the same manner as the registered ton- 
nage, and it is the North that draws the benefit. 

The official Treasury returns give the tonnage built in 1850 
at 272,218. The census returns give the distribution of the 
labor as follows for that year : 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 85 

Ship-building in the United States, per Census. 

Cost of Cost Value of 

No. Capital. materials. Hands. of labor. product. 

Connecticut 42 $289. 400 $2o5,6oo 707 $323.9 « §322,410 

Maine ,... 172 887.886 981,730 2,034 938,732 2,140. iSo 

Massachusetts 140 633.900 1,282.690 i,835 1,028,904 2,711,88a 

New Hampshire 5 29.800 574,855 349 137,160 739.360 

Vermont 1 i5o,ooo 60,000 100 36,720 120,000 

Rhode Island 6 41.400 43,082 1 1 5 5i,i8o 117.730 

New York 1 25 i, 2,625,162 3,478 1,745,160 6,i5o,i85 

New Jersey 27 91.310 65.497 i55 65,796 171.900 

Pennsylvania. 192 478,253 574.963 1,507 585,636 1,424.909 

North 710 4.136,949 6,413,599 io,3oo 4,915,232 i4,3o4,779 

Illinois 1 100 25o 4 >,9 2 o 2,5oo 

Indiana 18 81.950 57,597 107 55,i52 i53,263 

Michigan 1 200 80 3 900 1,210 

Ohio 17 i55,2oo 74,018 292 106, 3o8 209.360 

West 37 236, 35o 1 3 1 ,g45 456 164,280 366,533 

Delaware 7 70,400 42,485 i35 54.5i6 i24,o5o 

Dist. of Columbia 2 7,7°o 12,000 33 7,800 25,ooo 

Florida 4 10,200 40 16,476 17,700 

Georgia 2 5,5oo 1 ,697 1 1 4,776 8,000 

Kentucky 7 25,5oo 81,400 122 63.36o 182900 

Louisiana 7 167,300 107,361 129 100,620 251.701 

Maryland 68 210,820 344,583 929 4i,3,i6o i,o6i,25o 

Missouri 4 126, i5o 42,625 68 61, 344 i83,75o 

North Carolina 8 77,o5o 43.900 144 37.140 98000 

Tennessee 1 5oo 2,800 9 4,320 5, 400 

Texas 3 3, 000 2,720 8 4,32o 14600 

Virginia 32 102,700 59,286 - 239 75,192 1 52,020 

South i45 808,660 740,857 1,867 843, 044 1,924,371 

Total 892 5,182,309 7,286,401 12,623 5,922,576 16,595,683 

The ship-building interest of the South far exceeds that at 
the West, according to this return, which corresponds pretty 
nearly with the return of tons built in the above table from 
the annual navigation returns of the Treasurer's department. 
There are at the North, it appears, 10,300 hands employed 
directly in ship-building; and as a curious incident of the grow- 
ing availability of female labor, Vermont returns four females 
engaged in ship-building, and Virginia reports two so employed. 
The 10,800 hands of the North receive nearly 5 millions per 
annum wages, or an average of $500 each. The material costs 
$6,413,699, and is purchased of the 27,000 persons who, at 
the North, are engaged in getting out $31,897,000 worth of 
lumber per annum. That is, the ship-builders take one-fifth of 
their product in order to build ships to carry cotton. The 
South has become ambitious of carrying its own produce, 
and, as seen in the returns, it lias 145 establishments for ship 
construction. These turned out 13,000 tons, at a value of 
$2,000,000 ; and the lumber resources of Florida and Georgia 

86 Southern Wealth and JVbrthern Profits. 

are at hand to give the business an immense development, 
under the action of the growing capital of the South. 

The growth of steam tonnage on the Western and Southern 
rivers has been large ; but this, as well as the sail tonnage, has 
been much affected by the influence of railroads, which has 
directed much produce from the water-carriage, changing the 
direction, in many cases, from down stream to across the 
country, thus influencing the Northern roads in favor of the 
Southern exports. The sugar, cotton, and tobacco of the South 
finds its way, to a considerable extent, across the country into 
the "Western States ; and these roads have been built in the 
western section, to a very large extent, with borrowed money. 
They have consequently been expensively built — far more so 
than those which have been built at the South. The aggregate 
length and cost of railroads has been, at two periods, as follows : 

, 1853 , , 1860 , 

Length. Cost. Length. i 'out. Per mile. 

North 7.222 8287,691,587 9,665 $481,874,434 $5o,ooo 

West 5,535 110,389,337 9. 191 365,109,701 40.000 

South 4,663 91,522,204 9,o53 22i,857,5o3 24,100 

Total 17,420 $489,603,120 2 7,9°9 $1,068, 841, 638 

These returns, for 1854, are from the census returns, and 
those for 1860 are from the Boston Railway Times, compiled 
by an eminent engineer. We have then the fact that the South 
has as many miles of railroad as either of the other sections, 
and that they cost per mile less than half the cost of the North- 
ern roads, and two-thirds the expense of the Western roads, 
a fact which shows the economy with which the Southern 
roads were built. We now take from Stouts Railway An- 
nual the railroads delinquent on the interest of the bonds : 


South 3 companies. $2,023,000 

North 9 " 39,000,000 

West 21 " 68,120,000 

Total 33 companies. $109,215,000 

The business of the South has, it appears, paid the cost of 
9,053 miles of railroad, where the North has been unable to do 
so, and the West has shown still less ability to sustain that 
length of road. The capital supplied to the latter section for 
construction of the roads came from England and the East, 
and was expended in a lavish manner, stimulating business 
and speculation, which has fallen through, leaving a disastrous 
condition of affairs in all that region. The railroads themselves 
show, in the declining revenues, the fact that they owed their 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


former prosperity less to the effects of free labor than to the 
factitious activity caused by a passing speculation. The crops 
of that region are not, like those of the South, in constant and 
active demand, pressing always by the shortest road to market. 
They depend for realization upon short crops abroad. In ordi- 
nary seasons the price will not pay for transportation by rail, 
while the South becomes an active competitor with the West 
for the supply of the Northern and Eastern States by water. 

In illustration of the great progress which the South has 
made in the means of transportation afforded by railroads, we 
take the following from the most accurate sources: 

Railroads of the United States. — Southern. 

Length. Cost. 

Annapolis and Elkridge 20 1462,000 

Baltimore and Ohio 3S7 24,S02,645 

Baltimore and Phila. Central . . 30 1,650,000 
Chambersburg and Hagers- 

town 395,000 

Cumberland Coal and Iron, 

Eckhardt 11 500,000 

Cumberland and Pennsylvania 22 800,000 

George's Creek Coal and Iron . 21 600,000 

Northern Central 142 7,238,541 

Philadelphia, Wilmington, and 

Baltimore 102 8,568,369 

Western Maryland 14 800,000 

Sundry coa! railroads 40 800,000 

Total Maryland 789 $46,116,555 

Alexand., Loudon, and Hamp- 

Clover Hill, coal 

Manassas Gap 

Norfolk and Petersburg 

Northwestern Virginia 

i (range and Alexandria 

Fredericksburg and Gordons- 

Petersburg and Lynchburg .. 

Petersburg and Roanoke 

Richmond and Danville 

Richmond, Fredericksb'g. and 

Richmond and Petersburg. . . . 

Richmond and York River . . 

Seaboard and Roanoke 

Virginia Central 

Virginia and Tennessee 

Winchester and Potomac 

Washington and Alexandria.. 

Sundry coal railroads 














Total Virginia 1410 $42,670,674 

Atlantic and North Carolina.. 95 $1,800,000 

North Carolina 223 4,235,000 

Kaleigh and Gaston 97 1,240,271 

EoanokeValley i>2 450,073 

Western, coal 43 18,637 

Wilmington and Manchester. 161 2370.10s 

Wilmington and Weldon 162 2,776,404 

Total North Carolina.... S03 $12,899,423 

Length. Cost. 

King"s Mountain 22 196,230 

Laurens 32 213.476 

Northeastern 102 1.907,277 

South Carolina 242 7,5 

Spartanburg and Union 25 1,000,000 

Total South Carolina ... . 77S $18431,560 

Atlanta and La Grange 80 $1,171,706 

Augusta and Savannah 53 1,030,100 

Barnesville and Thomaston . . 16 200,000 

Brunswick and Florida 31 538,649 

Central of Georgia 191 3,750.000 

Etowah 9 112,500 

Georgia 232 4,174.49.! 

Macon and Western 102 1,500,000 

Main Trunk (Atlantic and 

Gulf) 4 63,767 

Milledgeville and Gordon 17 212.500 

Milledgeville and Eatonton . . 22 275,000 

Muscogee 50 931.213 

Rome and Kingston 20 250,000 

Savannah, Albany, and Gulf . . 68 1,151,750 

Southwestern 137 3,034,839 

Western and Atlantic 138 5,9ol,497 

Total Georgia 1176 $24,297,7i2 


Florida ami Alabama 

Florida. Atlantic, and Gulf 


Pensacola and Georgia 

Tal lahassee 





sun. iinn 

Total Florida 198 $4,075,000 

Blue Ridge 13 

Charle ton and Savannah .... 'J9 

Charlotte and South Carolina. 109 

Cheraw and Darlington 40 

Greenville and Columbia .... 164 

Alabama and Florida 

Alabama and Mississippi Riv- 

Alabama and Tennessee Riv- 


Mobile and Girard 

Mobile and < >hio 

Montgomery and West Point. 

Northeast and Southwest Ala- 

Tennessee and Ala. Central. .. 

48 $1,000,000 
22 600,000 










12.." ,000 



Total Alabama 735 $19,962,038 

$1,720,023 Delaware 71 $1,146,310 

1,000,000 Newcastle and Frenchtown .. 16 741,355 

1,719,045 Newcastle and Wilmington .. 4 93,000 

000,000 I 

2 487 4C1 ' Total Delaware 91 $1,980,665 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

length. Cost. 

Grand Gulf and Tort Gibson. S $200,000 

Mississippi Central 12-2 8,688,298 

Kavmond 7 95,000 

Southern Mississippi 83 8,500,000 

West Feliciana 26 620, 

Total Mississippi 2-16 $7,998,298 

Baton Rouge, Grosse Tete, 

and Opelousas 17 

Clinton and Port Hudson . 

Mexican Gulf 27 

Milnesblirg and Lake 1'on- 

chartrain 6 

New Orleans and Carrollton. 13 
lii'iv Orleans, Jackson, and 

Great Northern 206 

New Orleans, Opelousas, and 

Great Western 80 

Vicksburg, Shreveport, and 

Texas 2t 

if ."J. .. 

2 1 2. 




Total Louisiana 393 $14,297,801 

Cairo and Fulton 11 $210,000 

Hannibal and St. Joseph 162 8,533,22S 

North Missouri 107 5,473.914 

Pacific 163 10,643,596 

Southwestern branch 19 967,962 

Bt Louis and- Iron Mountain. 84 5,042,660 

Total Missouri 547 $30,871,360 

Central Southern 

Cleveland and Chattanooga. . . 
Edgefield and Kentucky 

48 $300,000 
80 867,210 

30 750,000 

East Tennessee and Georgia., 

Kast Tennessee and Virginia. 

Memphis and Charleston 

Memphis and < >hio. . . 

Memphis, Clarksv'le, & Louis- 

Mississippi and Central Ten- 

Mississippi and Tennessee... 

McMinnville ami Manchester 

Nashville and Chattanooga. . . 

Shelbyvitle branch 

Nashville and Northwestern.. 

Tennessee and Alabama 

Winchester and Alabama 

Breckenridge, coal 

Covington and Lexington.... 
Lexington and Big Sandy .... 

Lexington and Danville 

Lexington and Frankfort 

Louisville and Frankfort.. .. 
Louisville and Nashville, and 

Lebanon branch 

Maysville and Lexington.... 

Padueah and Mobile 

Portland and Louisville 

Total Kentucky S99 $13,314,059 

Texas 205 $5. .000 

Arkansas 3S 1,093,161 

Total South 8171 $221,857,503 





























Northern and Western. 

States, etc. 



Maine 486.2 $19,315,567 

New Hampshire 653.0 19,087,422 

Vermont 557.6 2b. 235,184 

Massachusetts 1327.8 63.601,110 

Khode Island 101.1 2,750,450 

Connecticut 601.S 25,098,678 

New York 2726.2 135,8 1 4. 1 97 

New Jersey 553.6 24,8S6,531 

Pennsylvania 2678.1 140,570,271 

86S5 §451,049,410 

States, etc. 


Ohio 2978 

Michigan 777 

Indiana 1939 

Illinois 2774 

Wisconsin 837 

Iowa 343 

Minnesota 105 

N. Interior States 10,706 

Total 27,562 

( 'ost 


5 I 000 




If the South lias not built as much tonnage as it required for 
its business, allowing the North to carry its produce, it has not 
been behind in the building of railroads. It has built them, 
however, with its own capital. The eifect of this large con- 
struction at the South was to absorb the capital which, earned 
by cotton, had of late accumulated, and prevent it from going 
more into manufacturing. It, will be observed that the South 
built more miles of railroads in the six years to 1860 than did 
the West, but they did not exhaust their means in so doing. 
The West is prostrate under the effort,* while the South was 
never more solid. It has now before it the roads to assist in an 
active development of other interests under the influence of the 
cotton proceeds. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 89 



Banking, in its legitimate commercial character, is confined 
to the utilizing of funds, which, without its intervention, would 
for a certain time remain idle in the hands of merchants and 
dealers. Thus, if we suppose a certain number of persons be- 
ing possessed of means, buy a quantity of goods to sell again, 
they will immediately be in the receipt of money from the sales 
of a portion of their goods. What each thus receives he would 
keep by him until it became necessary again to purchase. In 
this manner, the aggregate amount lying idle in the hands of 
all, would be very large. The contrivance of a common depos- 
itory, called a bank, for all those funds, was obviously a great 
invention. The ability to loan the money thus collected to 
each dealer, at the time of making his purchases, in pnrportion 
to his wants, greatly facilitated business, and virtually increased 
the capital necessary to its conduct. As long as the business 
could be confined to the simple transactions of those actually 
engaged in trade, it was eminently safe and useful. The money 
loaned to each merchant began immediately to be replaced by 
his deposits, and there was no danger that a demand would 
ever spring up except for the regular known purpose of busi- 
ness. The notes on which the loans were made were all repre- 
sented by goods. The moment, however, that these funds, that 
are supplied by trade, begin to be diverted to purposes of 
speculation, stock loans, &c, transactions which represent 
only an imaginary future value, the foundation of disaster is 
laid. In agricultural regions the course of banking is different. 
The agriculturists, who create the real wealth of the country, 
are not in the daily receipt of money. Their produce is ready 
but once in the year, whereas they buy supplies the year round, 
of stores, and when the crop is ready it is turned into the stores 
or factories, or sold to dealers. The produce itself, after sup- 
plying the local wants, leaves a surplus, which seeks a distant 
market, and becomes the medium by which alone all the goods 
imported into the country or section can be paid for. The 
storekeeper of every town has purchased goods, generally on 

90 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

credit, and has sold them to those who raise the produce ; when 
the Latter is ready it must go forward to cancel the debt. To 
effect this exchange money is required. Usually the dealer in 
produce — possibly flour — will make a draft on New York at 
60 to 90 days. For this the local bank gives him bank-notes: 
with these the grain is purchased, floured, sent to New York, 
sold, and the proceeds lodged in a New York bank to meet the 
draft coming on for payment. In the mean time, the farmer 
who received the notes for grain paid them to the store in set- 
tlement of his bill for supplies. The storekeeper having his 
payments maturing for the goods, buys of the local bank the 
draft on New York at 60 to 90 days, forwards it to his creditor 
in discharge of his account. In all this operation the produce 
finds a market, and the goods consumed by the growers have 
been paid for, and all the paper created to effect the exchange 
has been cancelled. This operation is, at times, disturbed by 
speculation, as in 1856, '57. Some of the Western merchants, 
when they received money, spent it for Maid lands, and asked 
the New York creditor to wait. Formerly the New York mer- 
chants would take notes for goods, payable at the local banks, 
because they thought the country dealer would pay promptly 
to keep his credit good at home. It was found, however, that 
when the note fell due the payer would meet it by an accom- 
modation note discount, which, although it made the payment 
good for the New York merchant, still left due from the coun- 
try bank to the city bank a balance, which was not always paid. 
The rule was then notes payable in the city — the result of this is 
to force all financial currents towards the general centre. All 
the paper, foreign and domestic, growing out of the crops, to 
the value of at least $1,000,000,000 per annum, draws directly 
or indirectly upon New York, and, as a consequence, funds 
tend in the same direction to meet the paper. The cotton crop 
alone is the basis of at least §500,000,000, foreign and domes- 
tic bills, operated upon in New York. A very large portion of 
the cotton is shipped from the South, but it is sold in New 
York, in transitu, and the bills are negotiated in New York, 
for the reason that the larger proportion of goods are there im- 
ported, and under the present exchange system the demand is 
there for bills. h\ 1859 the whole importation of goods into 
the country was $338,768,130 ; of this §229,181,319 was at the 
port of New York. That is to say, of the §350,000,000 worth 
of foreign bills drawn against produce shipped, a demand for 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 91 

$229,000,000 existed from the New York importers. The 
market for bills grows out of that fact. 

The whole banking system of the country is based primarily 
on this bill movement against produce. As the railways all 
tend towards New York, so do all financial transactions follow 
the same direction. 

The concentration of capital at New York promotes its own 
development, or " makes the meat it feeds on." The manufac- 
turers of Europe, and of the East, and the agriculturists of the 
West and the South, all send their capital to New York on 
credit, and, singularly enough, to obtain credit. All Europe 
contributes to her apparent capital, and swells the deposits in 
her banks. The process is a very simple one. The European 
manufacturer ships to a New York factor dry-goods, consisting 
of silks, laces, &c. He is apprised that long credits must be 
given to insure a sale of these goods, say 8 to 12 months from 
day of sale. The factor disposes of these goods to the jobber, 
taking his paper in settlement. This paper is generally at once 
placed on the market, and sold at market rates for money. 
Thus the factor is at once supplied with money, belonging, in 
fact, to his European correspondent, which he can use in any 
way he thinks proper, only taking care to be able to transmit 
money to Europe at the time that the notes taken for the goods 
fall due. The wholesale jobber repeats the same operation in 
his sale in like manner to the wholesale and retail merchant. 
Their paper is at once turned into cash, giving to the jobber 
great appearance of strength at his bank, and also a large cash 
capital, to be invested in stocks, or shaving paper, or any other 
manner fancy or judgment may dictate. The wholesale mer- 
chant sells in like manner to country merchants, whose paper 
is also thrown on the market, where it is salable. Thus, the 
same article, sold successively on time, furnishes the appear- 
ance of real capital to several different merchants. The same 
operation is repeated in the sale of the various other articles 
imported from Europe to this country. In like manner the 
manufacturers of New England furnish capital to New York. 
They consign their manufactures to a New York agent, and 
have a time draft on him discounted at their home banks. If 
the agent succeeds in selling the goods promptly, he has the use 
of the money till the maturity of the draft. Again, the money 
to buy this paper is not by any means contributed alone by 
New York capitalists. Some of the banks of South Carolina 

92 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

are charged with buying up the paper of Southern men through 
their agents in New York. Large amounts of capital are known 
to be sent on from Virginia, and other parts of the South, for 
the same purpose. 

With the Southern banks a preference is given to a four- 
months' draft upon New York to a four-months' note on per- 
sonal security. The manufacturers of tobacco are compelled, 
in order to raise money to cany on their business in Virginia, 
to have a Northern correspondent, upon whom they draw these 
bills, and to whom their tobacco must be consigned. As the 
bills are drawn on the consignment of tobacco, that must go 
forward, no matter what is the state of the market in New 
York, and no matter how much depressed the article may be 
by reason of want of demand or a glut in the market. 

When the tobacco arrives in New York, the agent there sells 
the tobacco as soon as he thinks proper, generally for an eight- 
months' note. He immediately takes the note, places it in the 
hands of a broker, who sells it at the current rates for similar 
paper. The proceeds, less the commission and a shave, are re- 
turned to the agent, who uses it in paying other acceptances 
falling due, it may be to other parties, or he applies the money 
to purposes of private speculation, thus being supplied with 
capital by the Virginia banks. The value of the manufactured 
tobacco is estimated at $15,000,000. 

A planter in the South cannot borrow money from the bank 
upon a pledge of his land and negroes, or on good personal se- 
curity, or even upon a promise to turn over to the bank the 
proceeds of his crop when sold. lie can, however, borrow by 
drawing on his factor, who sells his cotton. These drafts, from 
the nature of the case, fall due during the early part of the crop 
year. In like manner, the shipper of cotton to England cannot 
obtain money except by drawing a sterling bill, which is a bill 
payable sixty days after sight. Formerly, an advance to a 
planter really meant what it purports to be. Now, an advance 
consists in the acceptance of a draft ; and if the planter's cot- 
ton is not in time to protect it, long and loud are the complaints 
against the dishonesty of planters in withholding their crops to 
meet their just debts. It is easy to see how this mode of bank- 
ing affects the price of cotton, and depresses it beyond its true 
value. No one expects to obtain any thing like full value from 
a sale by a pawnbroker of a watch pledged for a debt, even in 
prosperous times. Of course, when times are bad, the sacrifice 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 93 

is much greater. But the Southern people have made the 
movement of the sale of cotton dependent, in a great degree, 
upon the condition of affairs in New York. If there is no de- 
mand for sterling bills in New York, caused either by their 
want of ability or willingness to pay their debts to Europe, then 
our Southern banks cannot buy sterling bills, and the shipper 
cannot buy cotton. Even when cotton is bought and shipped, 
either to New York or Europe, it becomes completely in the 
power of the buyers to control the price of cotton. The banks, 
refusing to give the acceptor of the bills any accommodation, 
necessitates the sale of the article pledged on arrival to meet 
the bill at maturity. However honest he may be, and anxious 
to promote the interest of the consignor, necessity having no 
law, he is compelled to sell at prices dictated by the buyer. 

The capital of all sections, in all shapes, is thus poured into 
New York, through the hands of the bankers, and becomes the 
means of floating a large amount of securities, of all descrip- 
tions. The Southern produce which comes here pays a large 
profit to agents of all kinds, through whose hands it passes, and 
the goods which come here are, to a large amount, sold to the 
South on credit, on which Southern money lying in New York 
is advanced, to be used in such purposes of speculation as fre- 
quently bring on a panic, and depress the price of both bills 
and cotton. The summer is the season when the largest supply 
of Southern funds becomes apparent, and it is then the banks 
are most anxious to make it draw interest. They lend it upon 
stocks, and cause an inflation by speculators, who bid high for 
money. In the fall, when those funds are again wanted for 
their legitimate purposes, they cannot be recalled from specu- 
lation so readily, and the notes of the mercantile people are 
thrown out rather than that the paying loans to the speculators 
should be disturbed. The pretence is that specie is going 
abroad, and that it is the importers who send it. Their paper 
is consequently thrown out, preventing them from buying bills. 
By the same operation the price of cotton is depressed. Thus 
at the same time the value of bills drawn against cotton is de- 
pressed at the same moment that the price of the article itself 

The financial system of advances is one, no doubt, by which 
the shippers of produce on advances are yearly victimized. The 
complaints were formerly loud and long against the " slaughter- 
ing" of American tobacco and cotton in the foreign cities to 

94 /Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

which they were consigned on advances. The merchandise was 
generally sold at the most unfavorable moment and adverse cir- 
cumstances, and not unfrequently bought in at the low figure 
thus produced by the acceptor, to hold for his own advantage. 
This is one of the evils of a want of capital in producing coun- 
tries. They are the victims of the lenders ; and it is one of the 
means by which the large capital of England has been increas- 
ed at the expense of her colonies, and of the tropical countries 
with which she deals. She buys for cash and sells on long 
credits, and a large margin exists between the two prices. The 
operation of capital is not different in America from what it is 
elsewhere ; and it is against this ojDeration that the South is 
required to contend. 

In the vast circle of the States the 1500 corporate banks, with 
a capital of $401,000,000 ; and the 800 private banks, with a 
capital of $150,000,000, all base their operations upon New 
York exchange, and the combined 2300 banking concerns, op- 
erating on the circle, make New York the focus of their bills. 
To this point comes all paper, sooner or later, for negotiation, 
and as a consequence, all surplus funds come here for employ- 
ment. The banks and bankers of New York encourage this 
tendency, as a matter of course, and their united strength is as 
follows : 

No. Capital. 

New York corporate banks 55 $69, 333, 632 

" private " 80 60,000,000 

Total i35 $129,333,632 

The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report for 1856, page 
141, gave the capital of the private banks in New York City at 
$41,500,000. By addition of firms the amount has since risen 
to the figure stated. The course of business usually requires 
the use of money to purchase the crops in the autumn, and for 
that purpose the distant banks discount or buy bills on New 
York at 60 to 90 days, by which time the produce will have 
been realized, and the amount applied to the liquidation of the 
bill. It follows that before much produce has been sold, the 
demand for money is large. On the other hand, when the bulk 
of the produce has been sold, the realization is greater than the 
demand, and money becomes plenty. In this operation the 
Southern products — cotton, rice, and tobacco — play the chief 
part ; and the proceeds of these crops accumulate in New York, 
as the season advances, in the shape of "balances due banks." 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 95 

The quarterly returns of the New York banks will show the 
course of this movement. 

New York Banks. 

Loans. Specie. Deposits. Due Bank* 

185-7, July §io3, 9 54,777 $14,370,434 §io4,35o.420 $27,319,817 

"December... 162,807,376 2 9 ,3i3,42i 83.o43.35 7 21,268,362 

1858, March 170,436,240 3i,o 7 i,o 7 4 o3, 7 38,8 7 8 28.710.077 

« June 187,468,310 33,597,211 100,762,909 34.290,766 

" September.. 194,734,996 29,903,291 103.481,741 33,6io,448 

" December... 200.577,108 28,335,984 110,461,798 35, 134.049 

i85o, June 183,027.449 22,107,782 99,597,772 30.173.329 

u September.. 182,420,134 22,026,137 io3,io6,666 23.992,11b 

" December... 191,596,617 20,921,141 102,109,393 28,807,249 

The cotton crop begins to come forward in September, and 
causes a demand for money until about 60 days have elapsed. 
When the first purchases begin to be realized, the sales of 
sterlino- bills on Southern bank account cause the balances in 
the New York City banks to rise, as seen, December, 1857, in 
the table of corporate banks, when they were §21,268,562, and 
continue to rise to $34,290,766 in June, 1858. In that month 
the crop is nearly all realized, and the bills sold. The idle bal- 
ances are then large. The New York City banks, in order to 
increase these balances, allow an interest of 4 per cent, on 
them ; and they use them, not in legitimate banking, but in 
" loans on call," on stocks, and other securities, in competition 
with the private bankers, who at , that season begin to supply 
the market with exchange at high rates, the supply against 
cotton having run out. The proceeds of these bills they also 
lend, and the competing lenders foster speculation, to be nipped 
when the renewed demand for money to move the crops takes 
place. The accumulation of funds in New York, and the fa- 
cility with which they are loaned, favors the negotiation of 
paper, and state, city, and county bonds reach that point for 
sale, and are made payable there for the same object. It is 
obvious that the amount of " balances" in New York to the 
credit of the South depends upon two circumstances relatively : 
first, the amount of crops to be sold; second, the quantity of 
goods purchased. In 1858 the sales of crops were large. The 
cotton crop alone realized $160,000,000, and at the same time 
the goods purchased were less than usual, it resulted that the 
balances, after having reached an unusual sum in June, went 
South in specie. In the past year the imports of goods have 
been much larger, but the sales of produce still greater. The 
cotton crop has realized $200,000,000, and the shipments of 

96 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

coin to the South were active. The specie held by all the 
banks of the Union, and by the Southern banks, has been as 
follows : 

1857. 1858. 1859. I860. 

North , $22,853,924 $26.o65,5o3 $42,o38,635 $40,618,624 

South '. 35,493,914 48,347,329 62,497,783 48,359,072 

Total $58,349,838 $74,412,832 $104,537,818 $88,977,696 

The South never held so large a proportion of the aggregate 
specie before, and in this respect it is exercising the power 
which proceeds from its large crop production. 

The continued large exports from the South, which will be 
larger this year than ever before, exercise a controlling power 
upon Northern funds ; and only a small decline in the pur- 
chase of goods, or the amount of expenditure at the North, 
would produce a great derangement of the present system. 
The city of New Orleans is the great centre of exports, and 
New York of imports. If we compare the imports of the one 
and the exports of the other, we have results as follows : 

New York N. Orleans Receipts from 

Year. imports. Population. exports. the interior. Population. 

1804 10,739,250 60,489 1,392,093 8,o56 

1810 14,198,204 96,373 1,753,974 1 7,242 

1820 23,629,246 123,706 7,242,415 27,176 

i83o 35,624.070 202,589 13,042,740 . 46,3io 

1840 60,440,730 312,710 3o,077,534 43,716,045 102,193 

i85o m,i23,524 5i 5,547 38,io5,35o 96,897,873 116,375 

1859 245,i65,5i6 900,000 100,734,932 172,952,664 175,000 

These foreign exports from the port of New Orleans swell 
with great rapidity, and they furnish the sterling bills against 
40 per cent, of the imports into New York, while the other 
Southern ports give as large a quota. Against those bills, as 
we have seen, run the large supply of inland bills. It is now 
obvious that if the South is disposed to carry out its determi- 
nation of reviving the old colonial non-intercourse as a means 
of redress, that an immense financial balance would be thrown 
against the North. It is true that the sterling bills then would 
have but a limited market in New York, but what would fol- 
low? Precisely what followed when the panic produced the 
result, that is exhibited in the following table : 

Pates of Sterling Bills on Amount 

Bills in New Orleans. New York. Imports of specie in Banks of 

Lowest. Highest. Discount. at N. Orleans. N. Orleans. 

i855 107 no'/s 1 a 2V4 3,746,037 8,570,568 

i856 io63/ 4 109V4 i'/ t a 2 1 /, 4,Qi3,54o 8,191,625 

1857 107 no i'/ 4 a 2*/ g 6,5oo.oi5 16,811,162 

i858 91 '/a 109 i'/j « 6 i3,268,oi3 10,370,701 

1809 i°7 3 A II0 !'/» ° 2 'A 15,627,016 16,218,027 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 97 

The decline in the imports of 1858, following the panic, had 
an immense effect upon sterling bills, which fell to 20 per cent, 
below the actual par, and bills on Now York to six per cent, 
discount, and became unsalable at any price. The current of 
•specie went southward, broad and deep. That was produced 
by " non-intercourse" through " panic," and diminished inter- 
course from any other cause develops the same power of the 
Southern crops 'over Northern finances. The table also dis- 
plays the growing power of the Southern banks ; from an 
amount of $1,845,808 in 1818, of specie held by the banks, the 
amount has risen to a sum larger than it was the custom of the 
New York banks to hold before the panic ; and the New Or- 
leans banks have shown great prosperity while carrying so 
large an amount of specie. 

The exchange system of the country favors this process of 
centralization in New York. The whole external trade of the 
country is based upon buying bills for remittance abroad, 
while there hardly exists a market, in the countries with which 
we deal, for bills on America. The produce of the country is 
shipped and drawn against supplying, in round numbers, 350 
millions of exchange. Nearly the whole of this amount is 
sold to banks and bankers, who hold it as a sort of monopoly, 
awaiting the demand of merchants who, having imported 
$330,000,000 worth of goods, must pay for them. There is 
also $20,000,000 to be remitted for interest on debts, public 
and corporate, and probably $30,000,000 more as the expenses 
of Americans travelling abroad. Now the only mode for 
making these remittances is to buy bills, and the remitters 
must pay the price asked. In all the cities of Europe there is 
a variety of counter-exchanges, by which the merchant may 
arbitrate his remittances as he pleases. If in Paris he wants 
to remit to London, he may buy a bill on London, or may 
order his creditors in London to draw on him ; or he may buy 
a bill on any other city, to remit or order a draft on any other 
city, to be sold. Twenty combinations may be calculated, and 
the cheapest acted upon. The American merchant has but 
one choice. He may give the banker his price for a bill, or 
remit the coin himself. The effect of this monopoly of the ex- 
change market by the bankers, aids the concentration of money 
in New York, and in a similar manner the internal exchanges 
are more or less controlled. The rate is always at a premium 
in New York, and that frequently when New York is in debt, 


98 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

the real rate of exchange being disguised in depreciation of 
local currency. The Southern banks, having large deposits 
in New York drawing interest, do not sell exchange against 
tin ipc funds, but in some cases buy commercial exchange for 

depreciated notes, and then supply the market only as it will 
bear a premium. If their funds did not draw interest at the 
North, and their own paper was payable on demand, actually 
as well as nominally, the exchange rate would be as often be- 
low as above par. At bottom, the same system exists as with 
the external exchange, viz., always to draw, and never to be 
drawn upon. As we have seen in a former chapter, the South 
sends north per annum $522,000,000 in value, which becomes 
the basis of at least 1000 millions of exchange, which the banks 
monopolize ; and the proceeds are the basis of large moneyed 
operations at the North. 

It is not a matter of surprise, under all these circumstances, 
that notwithstanding the large production of wealth at the 
South, capital accumulates there so slowly. All the profitable 
branches of freighting, brokering, selling, banking, insurance, 
■&c, that grow out of the Southern products, are enjoyed in 
New York ; and crowds of Southerners come north in the 
summer to enjoy and spend their share of the profits. The 
profits that importers, manufacturers, bankers, factors, jobbers, 
warehousemen, carmen, and every branch of industry con- 
nected with merchandising, realize from the mass of goods 
that pass through the Northern cities, are paid by Southern 
■consumers. There can then be no matter of wonder that the 
North accumulates, or that the South does so slowly. When, 
however, people at the North reproach the South with these 
advantages, derived from them as some of the " blessings of 
free labor," the depth of ignorance and the sublimity of impu- 
dence seem to have combined. Nevertheless capital does ac- 
cumulate at the South. As we have seen, her net-work of 
railroads has been built well, and more economically than in 
any other section, and with less foreign aid. The bonds and 
stocks are not only better paid, but held at home ; and there 
is no more efficient means of building up local capital than by 
the operation of 9000 miles of railroad, with its employees, and 
$200,000,000 of certificates of cost, all paid from their traffic. 
The growth of manufactures is another efficient aid to accumu- 
lation. If the South has a smaller leak than in the "West in 
the matter of interest and dividends, it has a larger one in the 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 99 

shape of " absenteeism," since a considerable portion of the 
annual profits are spent North and in Europe. The sums so 
expended would, in ten years, give her more manufacturing 
capital than exists at the North, and multiply itself thereafter 
with great rapidity. That time is approaching, and the faster 
by reason of the ill blood so wantonly stirred up by unprin- 
cipled party-leaders and their abolition coadjutors. 



In estimating the relative growth of the three sections, 
population and its movement have a very important influence 
upon the result. The South has depended only on its own 
natural increase of whites and blacks; while the North and 
West have had immense accessions of men and capital from 
abroad to stimulate their industry. 

The census returns of the total white population, indicate the 
fact that, including the blacks, the South has multiplied in 
number faster than the North, notwithstanding that the latter 
has had the whole benefit of immigration, with all the wealth it 
has brought with it. 

During the speculative years that ended, in 1840, with the 
repudiation of many of the States, the South received much 
money, from the North and from Europe, for the establishment 
of banks, which failed, and the money was lost. The numbers 
of Southern population were not increased by the movement. 
The large immigration from Europe, on the other hand, not 
only increased the numbers of the Northern and Western 
population, but largely increased the wealth of those sections, 
by means of the capital brought in by the immigrants. Of 
these latter, great numbers were mechanics and artisans, who, 
remaining in the Northern cities, added greatly to the manu- 
facturing productions. * 

The following table comprises the aggregate census returns 
from the formation of the government, with the area of each 
State : 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

United States Census. 


Area in 






280, 65z 















85, 416 

i84,i3 9 


1 54,465 


2)1 ,003 

21 1,949 
602, 365 











New Bampshin 

Massachusetts. . 
Rhode Island . . 
< Jonnecticut. . . . 

New Jersey. . . . 
Pennsylvania . . 

Total North.. 

Diet, of Colunib. 


North Carolina. 
South Carolina 



47, 1 56 
















555, 5oo 
4i5,i i5 




4o6,5 11 





638.82 9 





564,3 17 

4 522 224 








3 9 ,834 

1,21 i,4o5 











375,65 1 





1. 421. 661 




87 445 

Mississippi .... 







Total South.. 






















3i,63 9 

8,340,531 9,664,650 




\V isconsin 

















11 38o 



New Mexico . . . 








Total West... 
Grand Total.. 


2,470,196 3.929,827 


50,240 212,324 
5,305,925 7,239,S14 




The progress of the white population in the three sections, 

with the immigration decennialy, ran as follows : 

White Population and Immigration. 


1790 1,271.692 

1800 1,702.980 

1810 2,208.785 

1820 2.842,340 

i83o 3,660.758 

1840 4,632.64o 

i85o 6,221,868 

i860 (est.) 8,097,000 




in 10 years. 













2.738,3i 7 







Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 101 

The estimate of the population for 1S60 is based on the 
known progress of the population in the previous returns, and 
the known number of immigrants. The number of persons 
who arrived in the country up to the census of 1850, was 
given officially at 2,211,220, and the census reported 2,210,839 
as residing in the country, a number which very nearly agrees; 
but a large number of those who had arrived were, of course, 
dead, and many had left the country. There were, also, num- 
bers in the annexed territories who were born abroad, but who 
were not reported as arrivals. The latter were mostly at the 
South, and the census shows that of 2,210,839 persons living 
in the U. States, and born abroad, there were 316,670 only at 
the South. 

The census of 1850 gave the nativities of the population of 
the three sections ; these we condense as follows : 

United States White Population — 1850. 

Living Living Living 

South. North. West. Total. 

Born South 5, 510,687 69,501 660,142 6,24o,33o 

" North 337,765 6,941,510 1,090,814 8,370,089 

" West 57,296 19,696 3,060,177 3,137,169 

" Abroad 316,670 1,292,241 601.928 2,210,839 

Total 6,222,418 8,342,938 5,4i3,o59 19,958,427 

These numbers include only the white population, and it is 
matter of much regret that the same detail was not preserved 
in respect of the black population, since the origin of the free 
blacks, particularly those living in the West, is matter of much 
interest. The — in round numbers — two millions of foreigners 
living at the North and West, at the date of the census, accord- 
ing to the estimates of the Emigrant Commissioners, brought 
into the country $200,000,000 in capital, which was applied by 
them in prosecuting that productive industry which, in its re- 
sults, so largely swells the sum total of Northern prosperity. 
This is an element in which the South has not participated. It 
is sometimes alleged that the reason the South does not get 
its share of the immigration is, that slavery is objected to by 
the new-comers ; that is, however, a superficial reason, since 
they can know little of the institution, or of blacks, until they 
arrive here. The true reason is, probably, that they follow the 
parallels of latitude to which they have become accustomed, 
as do the emigrants from the Northern States. A considerable 
number of alien laborers have, of late years, been employed 

102 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

South in the winter, in drainage and such employments as 
careful masters think too unhealthy for valuable blacks; these, 
however, return North when the work is done. All that large 
class of immigrants that are employed in domestic service at the 
North, certainly would find the same position filled by blacks 
at the South ; but it is due to their presence at the North al- 
most entirely that Northern housekeepers can find servants 
at all. The Irish and Germans perform almost all the domes- 
tic service of the Northern cities, and the former form almost 
the whole factory force. 

The dearth of servants causes always a rise in the rate of 
wages at the North, when immigration from any cause dimin- 
ishes, as has been the case in the last few years. This is likely 
to diminish still more, as the migration from Europe has taken 
a turn which promises to dry up that source of a supply of 
labor. The hold which is had upon the Irish, is the economy 
of those already in service. These save and remit a large por- 
tion of their earnings to their friends, in order to aid in paying 
the passages of relatives, who continue to seek service in the 
Atlantic cities as the first means of livelihood. The amount 
of money sent to their parents, brothers, and sisters, and other 
relatives, by the Irish servant-girls in this country, may well 
astonish the public. Rev. Dr. Cahill, who is now lecturing in 
this country with so much eclat and success, took the pains to 
ascertain the amount sent to Ireland in a single year. He 
obtained returns from the different offices in this city which 
transmit money to that country, and found that, in the year 
1859, the aggregate sum amounted to $1,350,000 — one million 
three hundred and fifty thousand dollars. But for this source 
domestic servants would scarcely be had at all, since very few 
of those born here will take service ; they eke out a scanty 
living in the various employments which are dependent upon 
Southern purchasers to pay at all, and consider service as quite 
degrading. It is probably the case that this kind of work is 
considered far more degrading than even at the South, where 
it is mostly done by blacks. It is said that slavery injures 
free labor by degrading work ; domestic service certainly is 
held to be so degrading at the North that no natives will do it. 

The "West has one-ninth of its population born abroad, and 
they have arrived with funds with which they have bought 
land, settled it, and added to the supply of surplus produce 
exported. The mass of persons born at the North, who have 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 103 

moved "West, carried thither a large amount of capital, applied 
to agriculture, manufactures, mines, &c. The accession of 
persons born South, it appears, was larger than that from 
European countries. The figures show that the South has 
mainly depended upon its own resources for increase of popu- 
lation, since it has lost more to the North than it has gained 
thence and from abroad. 

The figures show that the South contains 711,731 not born 
on its soil ; while there are North and West 729,643 persons 
born South. Its acquisitions have, therefore, nearly equalled 
its losses by migration. The North, on the other hand, has 
lost largely of its native population, and comparing it with the 
South, the results are as follows : 

North. South. 

Born 8,370,089 6,24o,33o 

Living 6,941,310 5,010,687 

Emigrated, 17 percent 1,428,379 729,643, or 12 per cent. 

An incendiary publication, after showing that the census 
gives as above a migration of 729,640 persons from the South, 
remarks : 

"This last table, compiled from the 116th page of the Com- 
pendium of the Seventh Census, shows, in a most lucid and 
startling manner, how negroes, slavery, and slaveholders, are 
driving the native non-slaveholding whites away from their 
homes, and keeping at a distance other decent people. From 
the South the tide of emigration still flows in a westerly and 
northwesterly direction, and so it will continue to do until 
slavery is abolished." 

If this very clear reasoning is true of the South, whence less 
than 12 per cent, of the population has migrated, what infer- 
ence is to be drawn from the fact that 17 per cent, of those 
born at the great, opulent, free North have emigrated? What 
has •' driven them away from their homes?" Is it slavery, or 
the want of it ? If this fact of migration proves any thing, it 
is that the poor whites are better off at the South than at the 
North, since they show less disposition to avail themselves of 
the promise of the West — a promise which, as yet, is very far 
from being fulfilled. The attractions of the fertile lands of the 
West have, no doubt, proved very powerful for great numbers 
in both the Atlantic sections, biit much more so to those who 
dwell in the sterile regions of the North, than to those of the 

104 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

sunny South. The numbers who have left the Northern sec- 
tion have been replaced, it appears, by the immigrants ; for 
these there has been less attraction at the West; the results 
are as follows : 

Barn abroad 2,210,839 

Living North 1,292,241 

" South 316.670 

" West 601,928 


The north has received 136,138 less from abroad than she 
has lost of her native population. The latter were agricultur- 
ists, and the former were domestic servants, factory hands, and 
artisans, who remain in the cities, and find employment in 
furnishing goods to meet the demand from the South. That 
they live at the North, is the case; but they are not the less 
supported by Southern patronage. All those concerned in the 
trades, would not the less promptly feel the effects of a non- 
intercourse, because the proceeds of their labor find a market 
through third hands. The state of the shoe trade is indicative 
of what must result from a continuance of a restricted Southern 
trade. A Boston paper describes this interest as follows : 

" Commission houses, agencies, manufacturing firms, have 
increased, and there are to-day over two hundred wholesale 
and jobbing boot, shoe, and leather dealers, and over one hun- 
dred hide and leather dealers in Boston, transacting a business 
amounting to the enormous aggregate of about sixty millions 
of dollars annually. The manufactures of one single city, 
within seven miles of Boston, are in value between four and 
five millions of dollars annually, more than the entire produce 
of the State twenty-five or thirty years ago ; and that city, with 
others like it, is pouring its wealth of home manufactures into 
Boston for a market. Eighty thousand people in the Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts are occupied in the manufacture of 
loots, shoes, and leather, of every conceivable and desirable 
variety, style, and material ; and from their workshops and 
their factories there is an incessant transit to the metropolis of 
hundreds of thousands of boxes and cases of boots and shoes." 

The exports of shoes from Boston were as follows, during 
the year 1859 : 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


Cases of Shoes Exported from Boston, 1859. 

First Second Tliird Fourth Total 

quarter. quarter. quarter. quarter. year. 

To Baltimore 14,238 g,585 24,767 13,924 62,461 

" Charleston 4,233 1.484 9-379 i,58i 17,177 

" Louisville 7,^7° 2,373 8,872 2,004 21. 119 

" Lexington 768 269 958 160 2,1 58 

" Memphis i,5i5 552 1,011 220 3.338 

" Mobile 807 279 618 1,261 2,940 

" Nashville 4,3o2 921 7,267 1,291 18,781 

" Natchez 2 9 41 45 97 

" Padueah 184 96 689 177 1,146 

" Petersburgh 23 72 33i 101 52g 

" Pine Bluff, Ark 358 77 199 41 683 

" Richmond 681 .... 219 622 i,45a 

" San Antonio 157 186 434 23 75o 

" Savannah, Geo 610 458 1,323 i35 2.526 

" St. Louis 24,246 4,347 28,956 8,2 1 5 55.774 

" Vieksburg, Miss 75 82 227 37 371 

" New Orleans 9,490 6,290 12.470 9,436 37,686 

Total 69,559 27,070 97,756 39,182 533,367 

" Other Southern towns. 17 791 

Total direct South. 231,358 

" Philadelphia 17,242 0,688 23,635 4,604 56.119 

" New York 29,238 43,469 55,2o8 22,237 182.207 

" All others 228J07 

Total cases 2i5,836 i36,6i2 260,329 105,714 717,991 

The decline in the quantities shipped in the fourth quarter is 
very marked. The total value sent South directly in the year 
is about $12,000,000 ; but a large portion of those cases that 
were sent to New York and Philadelphia were to supply the 
Southern market; at least half the whole quantity was taken 
South, and the returns of the last quarter of the year shows a 
decline of 154,615 cases ; and the depression in the shoe trade, 
leading to the great strike, results from the diminished business. 
The same general state of affairs shows itself, more or less, in 
all the trades ; because it is the slave earnings that all depend 
upon for business. It is not to be understood by this, that there 
is no other demand except that which originates South; but 
that demand is of so large a proportion that a diminution of it 
makes lower prices, and strikes inevitable. When there is less 
work, the alternative is to discharge part of the hands, or to 
work all short time ; when prices tall for the goods, lower cost 
of production becomes inevitable, and this is reached by less 
wages, which the workers resist. They make common cause, 
and production ceases at their cost, until the lowered supply 
overtakes the demand, and prices arc restored. Under the 
present circumstances, the remedy would be migration, or the 
carrying of the workshops nearer to the consumer. This, no 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

doubt, will be the case when the prejudices in relation to 
Southern climate shall have been overcome. The census gives 
us the following view of the healthiness of climates : 

Deaths in the Free and in the Slave Slates — 1850. 

Free Sin tea. 

Ko. of Ratio to the 
deaths. Ac living. 

Connecticut 5,781 

Maine 7,545 

Massachusetts 19,414 

New Hampsture . . . , 

New Jersey 

New Yoik 

Pennsj lvania 

Rhode [stand 

Vermont , 








North !2i,5o5 

11, 619 

Indiana 12,728 











64. 1 3 





1 00. 1 3 


94. o3 


Slave St a ten. 









Mississippi .... 


North Carolina. 
South Carolina. 




No. of Haiio to/lie 
deaths. -A'«. living. 




9 33 






12,21 1 






83.5 9 

South i33,865 71.82 

This does not give the true state of affairs, since those who 
go to the West are robust emigrants, while they leave the 
sickly at home ; by which means the mortality of the East 
would show much larger than the West. The South, also, 
would show a much larger mortality, for the reason that such 
numbers who leave the North for their health, generally die 
where they expect to find it. Massachusetts has less attraction 
on the score of health than any State, except Louisiana, which 
the tables represent as the most unhealthy State. There is, 
therefore, nothing on the score of health which should deter 
the migration .of hands to the Southern markets, as capital 
progesses there to encourage it. The attractions of the North 
to those who go there to buy goods, are largely depended 
upon as a means of preventing any very serious interruption 
of the bonds of trade. There are, no doubt, many reasons 
why a good understanding should continue to exist, since 
mutual advantages result; but so thought the politicians 
of the mother country in respect of the colonies. They 
depended upon those advantages to hold the countries to- 
gether while they pushed a distasteful course, until the dis- 
advantages outweighed the advantages, awakening counter-in- 
terests, and separation became inevitable. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 107 

If we now take from the census the employments of the free 
people in each section, we have results as follows : 

Employments of Free People. 

Nobth. West. South. Total. 

Manufacturing 684.761 122.364 ni.944 937,059 

Commerce, trades, and mining. . . 230.282 226. 58i 180. 334 639,206 

Agriculture 82.3.220 728.127 769.236 2. 400, 583 

Labor 547-458 198,582 247.680 993,620 

Navigation 79-675 10,093 26.073 n6,34t 

Domestic service i3,86i 4.2o5 4,177 22,243 

Army 1,788 1.548 2,047 5,370 

Professions 38,496 22.262 38,807 94,5i5 

Government service 11. 861 3,668 9-437 24,966 

Other pursuits •. 37,522 16,073 36.939 95.814 

" occupations i4,o58 2.322 5,779 22,159 

Total employed 2.482,890 1, 335, 733 1, 653, 255 5,371,876 

Population 8,342,938 5, 413,039 6,222,418 19,938,424 

The proportion employed in these industries is, it appears, 
larger at the South, in proportion to the white population, than 
it is at the West, and the ratio falls but a little behind that of 
the North. This, it will be remembered, refers to the free pop- 
ulation only, and while the population is as busily occupied as 
at the North, and more so than at the West, there is, over and 
above, the great slave population which carries on agricultural 
labor on a scale superior to that of any other section. If the 
number of workers is as large at the South in proportion to the 
population as in the other sections, the capital so employed is 
less, for the reason that the commercial system of the country 
has given advantages to that at the North. If we compare the 
number of families and dwellings in each section, the results 
are as follows : 

North. West. South. 

Families 1,582, 951 876,748 1,128.534 

Dwellings 1,390,005 806,607 1,116,720 

At the South, where dwellings are the least required, the 
number per family is the greatest. In the large cities of the 
North, the numbers that crowd into one house are frightful. 
In respect to the number of dwellings, the South is at least 
quite as well provided as the other sections. 

in respect to the morality of the people, the census furnishes 
some figures. It is to be borne in mind that these cannot be 
very accurate, however, since much depends upon the manner 
in which the law is administered. There may be more prompt- 
ness in arrests, more facility of conviction, in one place than 
another, and various causes may interpose to prevent the actual 
number punished from being a true test of the prevalence of 

108 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

crime. Nevertheless we have given, in the chapter upon black 
population, the numbers in jail, snowing that the South has no 
cause of shame on that score. 



The principle has been well recognized,'that it is the duty, 
not only of communities, but of individuals, to contribute each 
its share towards the general well-being. The source of all 
wealth being originally land and labor, no set of people have a 
right to seize and withhold from the service of humanity at 
large any portion of the earth's surface. This is the question 
that underlies land reform, and it is also that which underlies 
servitude, as no race of men have a right either to monopolize 
the gifts of Providence, or the right to live without labor. 
The exigencies of society require that all should, in a greater 
or less degree, be producers, and in the early stages of society 
slavery was universal, and ordered by the divine command, 
for the reason that the masses of men had not learned to appre- 
ciate industry. This coercion of labor prevailed very generally 
down to very recent dates. It is only in modern times that 
human intelligence, even of the white race, has induced men 
to labor for the rewards it confers. The desire to possess prop- 
erty was found to be a sufficient stimulus for the majority of 
the white race to labor in a free state ; accordingly, servitude 
ceased to be necessary. Indeed, it became detrimental to the 
general interests, for the reason that the free worker produced 
more than the servile laborer. This was not universally the 
case, however, but pauperism and crime were resorted to by 
those who had a distaste for labor. The law of servitude held 
good for these exceptions, and the workhouses and prisons of 
most civilized countries are illustrative of its application. The 
history of the poor-laws of England is fraught with instruction 
upon this head. In the reign of Henry VIII., when servitude 
was dying out, the laws against paupers were very severe ; not 
only were " sturdy beggars" subjected to severe punishment, 
but those who relieved or harbored them were also visited se- 
verely by the law. With the progress of civilization, some 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 109 

amelioration of these laws took place ; but, alas for human na- 
ture, it was found that pauperism increased as relief was ex- 
tended. Numbers of persons were content with idleness and 
the sustenance afforded by law, and wrung from the earnings 
of the industrious. It was also shown in the Parliamentary 
reports that thrift and a disposition to save were checked by 
the knowledge that, in the event of distress, the parish must 
support the pauper. Nevertheless, as a general thing, the 
white race will work eagerly for the reward of labor. In this 
fact exists the broad distinction between the white and the 
black race. The latter, it is sufficiently proved by the world's 
experience, will not work at all if he can help it. Idleness is 
his chief good, and pauperism and theft are for the race not an 
unwelcome means of attaining their object. The vis iyiertia of 
the black blood is so great, that even a large mixture of white 
blood will overcome it only so far as to induce the individual 
to perform menial offices, clinging to the skirts of white society. 
It never suffices to impart energy or enter prise to the black 

The fact of the inertness of the black is singularly corrobo- 
rated by a correspondent of the JVew York Herald of February 
6th, who sought to apologize for the condition of the refugee 
blacks in Canada. 

" It is not generally known to the world, that full one-half 
of the arrivals from the South are children of white fathers. 
Startling as this declaration may be, it is nevertheless true. 
And some of them are men known and distinguished in our 
national councils. Is it not a slander upon these illustrious 
sires, to say they have begotten a race that cannot take care of 
themselves ? 

" I have known whole families to arrive in Canada from the 
South with scarcely a particle of African blood visible in their 
faces. The philosophy of the case is, therefore, clearly on the 
side of the runaways." 

Those only who have a good deal of white blood have suffi- 
cient energy to migrate; the true black, never. Enough of 
the black nature remains in the runaway, however, to unfit 
him for any useful purpose. This fact is within the knowledge 
of every citizen of the United States. In all the Northern 
States, there are hanging on the outskirts of towns and villages 
pauper blacks, the miserable remnant of former well-fed slaves. 
These are always a nuisance, and so well known is it that, even 

110 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Ohio — which was settled on the territory given by Virginia, 
and devoted to freedom forever by Nathan Dane's resolution ' 
in Convention — among its first laws, enacted one excluding 
blacks from the State on any pretence. The white person who 
brought in a free negro must give security in $500 for the be- 
havior of that black, and that he should not come upon the 
town. Illinois, and other States, enacted the same law, and 
very justly. The free black, without referring to the fact that 
he is here through no fault of his own, will not contribute his 
share to the exigencies of society, and it is too much to impose 
his support upon the labor of industrious whites. He claims 
to be free, but lives only to prey upon society. Why should 
he be exempt from the rules that apply to similar white per- 
sons ? Although the grown white man will work for support 
and propert} T , youth are, as a general thing, disinclined to do 
so, because they have still a sense of dependence. The law, 
consequently, provides for their coercion — every white male 
may be bound by his parents or guardians, or overseers of the 
poor, to a trade, and compelled to work for his master until 
21, his earnings belonging to his parents. If he escapes from 
service, he may be arrested and sent back. The police reports 
of the city contain many such arrests. The provision of the 
United States Constitution which provides for the surrendering 
of persons escaped from service, applies as well to these as to 
blacks, and is always executed without any clamor from " un- 
derground railroad" agents, or demand for trial by a jury 
of runaway apprentices or confederate idlers. Again, for ma- 
ture white persons who are afflicted with poverty, the law 
makes provision for their support, and also to compel them to 
labor where they are capable of it. Perhaps the most barbar- 
ous laws in this respect exist in some parts of New England — 
especially Connecticut. The rule is to sell the paupers annually 
at so much per head, usually from $15 to $20. The "lot" is 
put up at auction, and the man who bids the lowest sum to 
keep these poor persons a year takes the lot. He then provides 
as cheaply as he can for them, intending of course to make 
money by the operation, and they are required to work for 
him. Thus, in the fishing section, they must clean fish and 
feed on the offal ; if they die in the course of this 'treatment, 
so much the better for the contracror, whose interest under the 
system is directly that they may perish before his year is out, 
and there are none to make inquiries. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profit^. Ill 

In reply to inquiries respecting the pauper laws of Connec- 
ticut, we received the following from high authority : 

"It is the custom in many towns in Connecticut to set up the 
paupers at auction every year, and knock them off to the lowest 
bidder ; that is, to the man who will take them for the year at 
the lowest price. This was the case, to my knowledge, in sev- 
eral counties. I have always understood it to be a general thing 
in Connecticut. When we were in H. they were sold, to the 
number of sixty, for the year, to our next-door neighbor, for 
$15 a head; and lie got all the work out of them that he 
could, though most of them were infirm, and not able to do 
much. They hoed his corn, and sawed his wood, and weeded 
his garden; and being an extensive fisherman, they assisted in 
dressing his fish, and "did chores" generally. They are made 
to work all that they are able. In IT. the contractor, as I said, 
was a fisherman, and during the fishing season a principal 
article of food for the paupers was the heads and tails of shad, 
which were cut off when dressed for salting. They were all 
lodged in a little one-story house, with an attic not to exceed 
25 by 30 feet ; were all stored in together, male and female, 
with, as appeared to me, very little regard to decency. In 
case of the death of any of them, the contractor got a specified 
sum for their burial, and also, I think, secured the whole 
amount contracted for for the year ; indeed, I believe the 
probable death of some of them was a contingency calculated 
on in making the bid, so that the contractor had a direct inter- 
est in starving them to death, or in neglecting them when sick." 

This may be philanthropy, but the manner in which it works 
is certainly food for philosophy. The person who officially 
superintended the sale of the above-mentioned sixty white pau- 
pers was some time after appealed to on behalf of a runaway 
slave. His "phelinks" were so wonderfully stirred by the 
color of the applicant that he gave him $10, took him home, 
clothed and fed him, at an expense equal to what he had sold 
a white pauper fellow-townwoman for under the hammer. This 
virtue, however, proved its own reward, since the " runaway 
slave" turned out to be a knavish wood-sawyer from a distant 
town, who was making a raise on the "fugitive dodge." 

That part of the white race which prefers crime to labor is 
provided for in the prisons, and their coerced labor turned to 
account. With the black race idleness is the rule. There is 
no need of quoting authorities on this head, since the public 

112 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

prints are full of them, corroborating every man's experience. 
Fifty years since the idea was indulged that the black, like the 
white, was possessed of ambition that would induce him to 
work when free. Benevolent and large-hearted men eagerly 
adopted the idea that the black race was different from the 
white only in color of their skin, and he was eagerly adopted 
as a " brother." This being once settled, the rules of white con- 
duct were applied to him. Dr. Channing, on the West India 
emancipation question, thus states it: 

"•The planters in general would suffer little, if at all, from 
emancipation. This change would make them richer rather 
than poorer. One would think, indeed, from the common 
language on the subject, that the negroes were to be annihi- 
lated by being set free ; that the whole labor of the South was 
to be destroyed by a single blow. But the colored man, when 
freed, w r ill not vanish from the soil. He will stand there with 
the same muscles as before, only strung anew by liberty ; with 
the same limbs to toil, and with stronger motives to toil than be- 
fore. He will work from hope, not fear ; w T ill work for himself, 
not for others ; and unless all the principles of human nature 
are reversed under a black skin, he will work better than be- 
fore. We believe that agriculture will revive ; worn-out soils 
will be renewed, and the whole country assume a brighter 
aspect under free labor." 

This has proved to be an illusion. The first who properly rec- ' 
ognized this fact was Toussaint L'Ouverture, in St. Domingo. 
The French republic had hastily emancipated the blacks, and 
frightful carnage succeeded. Toussaint, himself a slave, had 
risen to control and respect by his capacity to swallow draughts 
of blood and gunpowder at negro rites ; but, notwithstanding 
all the attempts to glorify him, the only evidence of intellect 
he displayed was in recognizing the necessity of labor, while 
convinced of the unwillingness of the blacks to work ; and he 
promptly re-enslaved the whole of them. The English com- 
mitted a similar folly to the French, in their W. I. Islands, by 
freeing the blacks in the expectation that they would work. 
They now confess the bitterness of their disappointment, and 
admit the error they committed in abandoning a territory so 
necessary to the service of mankind as Jamaica and the other 
islands to a horde of black savages, who will neither make the 
land available nor permit others to do so. The necessity of 
dispossessing or re-enslaving has become urgent. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 113 

The London Times of January 6, 1860, in a long article upon 
" The State of the Islands, by Mr. Trollope," remarks as follows: 

" Negroes, coolies, and planters — what is the position of each, 
and what are the rights of each ? In England it is too much 
the custom to regard only the first of these. Floods of pathetic 
eloquence and long years of parliamentary struggling have 
taught us to imagine that the world was made for Sambo, and 
that the sole use of sugar is to sweeten Sambo's existence. The 
negro is, no doubt, a very amusing and a very amiable fellow, 
and we ought to wish him well; but he is also a lazy animal, 
without any foresight, and therefore requiring to be led and 
compelled. We must not judge him by ourselves. That he is 
capable of improvement everybody admits, but in the mean 
time he is decidedly inferior — he is but very little raised above 
a mere animal. The negroes know this themselves. They have 
no idea of country and no pride of race. They despise them- 
selves. They know nothing of Africa, except that it is a term 
of reproach, and the name which offends them most is that of a 
nigger. So little confidence have they in any being who has 
an admixture of their blood that no negro w T ill serve a mulatto 
when he can serve a European or a white Creole. In his pas- 
sion he calls the mulatto a nigger, and protests that he is not, 
never will be, like buckra man. These colored people, too, 
despise themselves, and in every possible way try to deny their 
African parentage. They talk contemptuously of the pure 
blacks, whom they describe as dirty niggers, and nasty niggers, 
and mere niggers. 

" He is a very funny sort of animal, and there is something 
interesting in a being so dependent as he is on the sympathy 
of others; but it is evident that he is scarcely fitted to take 
care of himself. He has no care for to-morrow, and it is 
enough if he can strut for a little hour in his finery. His vir- 
tues and his vices are alike those of momentary impulse. 
Although he is desperately fond of life, yet if he can lie in the 
sun for an hour without pain he will not drag himself to the 
hospital to be cured of a mortal disease. Although he loves 
his children, he will in his rage ill-use them fearfully. Al- 
though he delights to hear them praised, he will sell his daugh- 
ter's virtue for a dollar. A little makes him happy, and he is 
so entirely a creature of the present that nothing can make him 
permanently wretched. Mr. Trollope compares him to a dog 
in his attachments. The dog is faithful to us, and so is the 
negro. In return for our protection the dogs give us all their 
hearts, but it is not given in gratitude ; and they abstain with 
all their power from injury, but they do not abstain from judg- 
ment. The master may use either his dog or his negro ever so 
cruelly — yet neither has any anger against him when the pain 


114 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

is over. If a stranger should save either from such ill usage, 
there would be no thankfulness after the moment. Affection 
and fidelity are things of custom with him. As for the negro's 
religion, our author has Little faith in it. The negroes, he says, 
much prefer to belong to a Baptist congregation or to a so- 
called Wesleyan body, because there an excitement is allowed 
to them which is denied in the Church of England. They sing, 
they halloo, they scream, they have their revivals, they talk of 
their ' dear broders,' and ' dear sisters,' and ' in their extatic 
bowlings get some fun for their money.' 

" A servile race, peculiarly fitted by nature for the hardest 
physical work in a burning climate, the negro has no desire 
for property strong enough to induce him to labor with sus- 
tained power. Pie lives from hand to mouth. In order that 
he may have his dinner, and some small finery, he will work 
a little, but after that he is content to lie in the sun. This, in 
Jamaica, he can very easily do, for emancipation and free-trade 
have combined to throw enormous tracts of land out of culti- 
vation, and on these the negro squats, getting all that he wants 
with very little trouble, and sinking in the most resolute 
fashion back to the savage state. Lying under his cotton-tree, 
he refuses to work after ten o'clock in the morning. 'No, 
tankee, massa, me tired now ; me no want more money.' Or, 
by way of variety, he may say : ' No; workee no more ; money 
no 'miff ; workee no pay.' And so the planter must see his 
canes foul with weeds because he cannot prevail on Sambo to 
earn a second shilling by going into the cane-fields. He calls 
him a lazy nigger, and threatens him with starvation. The 
answer is — ' No, massa ; no starve now ; God sent plenty yam.' 
These yams, be it observed, on which Sambo relies, and on 
the strength of which he declines to work, are grown on the 
planter's own ground, and probably planted at his expense, and 
Mr. Trollope suggests an inquiry into the feelings of an English 
farmer if our laborers were to refuse work on the plea that 
there is plenty of potatoes and bacon to be had — the potatoes 
and bacon being the produce of the farmer's own fields. There 
lies the shiny, oily, odorous negro under his mango-tree, eating 
the luscious fruit in the sun. 'He sends his black urchin up 
for a breadfruit, and, behold,' says Mr. Trollope, 'the family 
table is spread. He pierces a cocoanut, and, lo ! there is his 
beverage. He lies on the ground, surrounded by oranges, ba- 
nanas, and pineapples. Why should he work?' Let Sambo 
himself reply. ' No, massa, me weak in me belly ; me no 
workee to-day ; me no like workee just 'em little moment.' 

"The evil which thus cruelly embarrasses the planters is 
chiefly felt in Jamaica, and in some of the smaller islands, 
Grenada, Dominica, and St. Lucia, where the negro has the 
chance of squatting. The negro imagined that his emancipa- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 115 

tion was to be an emancipation not merely from slavery, but 
from work, and British philanthropy proposes to protect him in 
his laziness from the competition of the coolies. 

"As far as Jamaica is concerned, what is there to tempt the 
Englishman ? It is a fact that half the sugar estates, and more 
than half the coffee plantations have gone back into a state of 
bush, and a great portion of those who are now growing canes in 
Jamaica are persons who have lately bought the estates ' for the 
value of the copper in the sugar-boilers and of the metal in the 
rum-stills.' The Anti-slavery Society will scarcely believe in 
the poverty and ruin of the planter, because they hear wonder- 
ful accounts of his hospitality. ' We send word to the people 
at home that we are very poor,' say the planters. 'They don't 
believe us, and send out somebody to see. For this somebody 
we kill the fatted calf and bring out a bottle or two of our best. 
He goes home and reports that these Jamaica planters are 
princes who swim in claret and champagne.' The planter ac- 
cordingly makes the complaint, 'This is rather hard, seeing 
that our common fare is salt fish and rum and water.' Mr. 
Trollope advised the planters to produce their ordinary fare on 
such occasions, but the reply was, ' Yes, and then we should 
get it on the other cheek. We should be abused for our stingi- 
ness. No Jamaica man could stand that.' " 

The idea of working for pay never entered into black nature. 
Mungo Park, in his day, said : " Hired servants, by which I 
mean persons of free condition, voluntarily working for pay, 
are unknown in Africa" — and no subsequent traveller, down 
to Dr. Livingstone, has reversed that judgment. 

In " Lewis's West Indies," written IT years before emancipa- 
tion, it is remarked : 

" As to the free blacks they are almost uniformly lazy and 
improvident ; most of them half-starved, and only anxious to 
live from hand to mouth. Some lounge about the highways 
with pedler-boxes stocked with various worthless baubles ; 
others keep miserable stalls, provided with rancid butter, dam- 
aged salt-pork, and other such articles ; and these they are 
always willing to exchange for stolen rum and sugar, which 
they secretly tempt the negroes to pilfer from their proprietors; 
but few of them ever endeavor to earn their livelihood credit- 
ably. Even those who profess to be tailors, carpenters, or 
coopers, are, for the most part, careless, drunken, and dissi- 
pated, and never take pains sufficient to attain any dexterity 
in their trade. As to a free negro hiring himself 'out for plan- 
tation labor, no instance of such a thing was ever known in Jo- 

116 Southern Wealth and Northern Profit*. 

maica: and probably no price, however great, would be con- 
sidered by them as a sufficient temptation." 

Captain Hamilton, on his examination as a witness before a 
select committee of Parliament, stated that Jamaica had be- 
come " a desert" and being asked if he thought the term 
" desert" was quite applicable to the state of things there, re- 
plied : "I should say, peculiarly applicable, without any exag- 

In a memorial, addressed by the council and assembly of 
Jamaica, to her majesty, the Queen, dated February 19, 1852, 
after alluding to the distressed condition of the island, and the 
probable complete abandonment of sugar culture throughout 
the British Antilles, unless a remedy were provided, the moral 
deterioration of the island is thus noticed : 

" In conclusion, we would humbly entreat the consideration 
of your majesty, to the moral effects which must be produced 
on the lower classes of the population of this island by the gen- 
eral abandonment of property and withdrawal of capital, now 
unhappily in progress. Convinced that in granting freedom to 
the British slave, it never was intended to allow him to sink 
into a state of barbarism and uncivilization, we still feel it our 
humble duty to assure your majesty, that the downward prog- 
ress of the agricultural resources of tlie colony has been already 
accompanied by a retrogression in moral conduct on the i?art of 
the lower classes, and we are assured that this retrogression 
must and will, for obvious reasons, keep pace with the destruc- 
tion of property, and the consequent expulsion from the colony 
of all whom necessity may not compel to residence, events that 
must speedily occur, unless your majesty shall be pleased gra- 
ciously to receive our petition, and we obtain from the Imperial 
Parliament efficient aid, ere ruin and desolation shall have taken 
the place of prosperity and cultivation, and religion and morality 
shall have been superseded by barbarism and superstition." 

There were liberated 033,000 blacks in the "West Indies — a 
number equal to what these United States contained at the for- 
mation of the Union. Yet the products of the West Indies 
have nearly ceased, except what arises from coolie labor. 

During the nine years between 1847 and 1856, 47,739 labor- 
ers were introduced into the West India islands aud British 
Guiana.* These are just 47,739 protests against the abomina- 

* Par. Rep., 1857, cited by Mr. Cave.— Times, Dee. 28, 1857. 

Souihei'n Wealth and Northern Profits. 117 

ble laziness of the negro. The world has been scraped and 
raked to bring laborers to the West Indies, to eat the bread and 
hoard the wealth offered to the black man ; laborers from 
China, coolies from India, Portuguese from Modina, Africans 
from Sierra Leone and from captured slave-ships, have all 
been brought distances of from 5,000 to 15,000 miles to shame 
this degraded race ! — and still we are told there is no induce- 
ment for them to work, and that sufficient pay is not offered to 
them. Is it a reasonable statement to make, to say that the 
planters can fit out ships and send them to the antipodes for 
laborers, under a contract to return them to their homes within 
a given period, and pay them wages during all that period, and 
yet that they would not rather pay the same money to a laborer 
on the spot, and one, moreover, both stronger and better ac- 
quainted with his duties than the other? The truth is, the 
blacks will not work without coercion, and this is the cause of 
West India distress and negro retrogression. In endeavoring 
to hide the truth from our eyes, we are continually hunting up 
causes, when the real cause is patent before us ; the sugar-du- 
ties bill of 1846 is especially saddled with the burden of West 
Indian miseries ; but we do not know how this charge can be 
better answered, or a higher authority cited in proof of the 
idleness of the blacks, than by quoting the remarks of Earl 
Grey, made in the House of Lords on the 10th of June, 1852. 
He stated, " that it was established, by statistical facts, that 
before the measure of 1846 came into operation, all those evils 
which were now complained of were in actual existence; that 
the negroes were becoming idle, and falling hack in civil- 
ization, and the like, and to what principal cause had that been 
attributed ? It was attributed by every man who had looked 
into the state of the colonies to this simple reason, that the 
negroes had been relieved from the coercion to which they 
were formerly subjected, and that they were living in a coun- 
try where there was an almost unlimited extent of fertile land 
open to them, where the climate did not render fuel or clothing 
absolutely necessary to life ; that wages were so enormously 
high as to enable them to live, as well as they desired to live, 
upon the production of one or two days' labor in the fortnight, 
and that they had consequently no earthly motive to give a 
greater amount of labor in return for their subsistence. The 
demoralization of the negroes, and their disinclination to work, 
arising from this cause, commenced long before the Act of 

118 Southern MVealth and Northern Profits. 

1846. . . . Sir H. Light and Governor Barkly had both shown, 
in their very able dispatches, that the true cause of the mis- 
chief was the want of any adequate stimulus to labor on the 
part of the negroes, from the manner in which the abolition of 
slavery had been effected."* 

It is undeniable, then, that the majority of the free negroes 
of the "West Indies are living in idleness ; the proofs of this are 
abundant and varied ; they are visible in the census reports, in 
the dispatches of governors, in the list of exports, and in the 
Observations of travellers.! 

The same experience has been earned by the French. They 
emancipated their blacks when under the influence of the same 
delusion. The same ruin attends their colonies. A work of 
M. "Vacherot, recently published in Paris, holds the*following 
propositions in relation to the free black population of French 
Guiana : 

" The idlers should be punished by fine. The small propri- 
etor ought to be forced to produce in the same ratio in which 
he would do when working on a large estate, at a salary. The 
owner who will neither cultivate nor produce is a vagabond to 
be punished. It is not enough that he remains at home, that 
he begs from no one, he should be compelled to make the land 
he owns produce its share. The landed vagabond is a greater 
nuisance than the wandering vagabond." 

These ideas are a very curious " capsizing" of the socialist 
doctrines of 1848, '49. It was then asserted that the people had 
a "right to labor;" that it was the duty of the government to 
employ them. The constitution of 1848 declared it the duty of 
government to provide for citizens " by procuring employment 
for them." This was based upon the desire of the white to 
work. The black, however, will not work, and the authorities 
of Guiana claim the right to make him. How those " idle vaara- 
bonds" are to be fined is, however not so clear. 

In the United States there are 4,000,000 of these blacks, who, 

* Par. Deb., Hansard, 3 S. V. 122, p. 384. 

f Nearly a fourth part of the whole adult population of Trinidad are returned 
by the last census as living in idleness. (See Lord Harris's dispatch, May 18, 
1852.) If we compare this with Great Britain there are two hundred and fifty 
persons among the poor population of Trinidad to eight among the wealthy of 
Great Britain who are idlers — the difference is, the one race likes, and the other 
hates work ; and a people who will not work must be slaves — or, as St. Paul says, 
in substance, whoever will not work, let him not eat. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 119 

as slaves, are eminently useful to themselves and to humanity 
at large. To emancipate them is to convert 4,000,000 produc- 
tive workers into as many idle paupers. Who is to support 
those paupers in their idleness, which with them is synonymous 
with freedom ? In the West Indies they eat the spontaneous 
fruits of the earth. In the United States there are none for 
them to eat. That the blacks are now kept to work as North- 
ern white apprentices and paupers are kept to work, for their 
own and society's benefit, is true. In that respect the institu- 
tion operates as a great workhouse, where the naturally idle 
are compelled to contribute their share to the services of man- 

The highest rewards, political and social, have been, in the 
island of Jamaica, vainly held out to the black to induce him 
to work. John Bigelow, Esq., in his letters to the Evening 
Post, afterwards embodied in a book on the condition of Ja- 
maica, with the best intentions in the world to favor the black, 
showed conclusively that labor is the last thing he will under- 
take. The land is, if not the most prolific, at least as much so 
as any in the world. It may be bought from $5 to $10 per 
acre, and the possession of five acres confers the right of voting, 
and eligibility to public offices. The planters offer freely $1.50 
per day for labor ; 16 days' labor will buy such a piece of 
land, and the market of Kingston offers a great demand for 
vegetables at all times. These facts, stated by Mr. Bigelow, 
place independence within the reach of every black. Yet 
what are the results? There has been no increase of black 
voters in the last 20 years. The land runs wild. Kingston gets 
its vegetables from the United States, even from New York, 
and 50,000 coolies have been imported to raise sugar on the 
plantations — the sensual black, meanwhile, basking in the sun, 
and feeding on yams and pumpkins. That is black nature. 
The omnipotent Deity, who placed those blacks under white 
control, will not hold those guiltless who have, from hope of 
greater gain, shirked from the responsibility of masters, and al- 
lowed the blacks to sink back to their savage condition. 

Freedom for the blacks in the United States is quite a differ- 
ent affair, since they cannot there exist without labor. Never- 
theless, the process of emancipation goes on at a rate of which 
the public are not fully apprised. The following table of num- 
ber of free and bond blacks in all the States of the Union, is 
composed of the returns of the federal census: 

120 Soxdhern Wealth and Northern Profits. 








w u: 

fc. J 


CO C* — oo C» t X X — *r t - — -^ O • ; ; CI 

c4 NWO'n'or'Cy: /. /j x -«-f c-,-r 

No'yjVi'r,' -r — ' err ri c~- -r co'i-'oiDi- 

C. i - x /. 'J.' .'". -r — "- -~. *r cO — X 

to cc cc oi ro co o 7- c_i y? r "j 1^ *jp £i — 

n ~ c 

vi 5i-WOiX D3i i-O-M-* --.orb 

c» cT V co Ki"i-'s 10:00* eg ^cTro^so' 

i5) t- -/■ ' 1 j, : i ir: a. ■£> — go CO iQ 

T "J CO Tl CI — i-t r- — . 

■> ; r . : -r :■ , © Vj -r o 
7 CO«XD-i^ 

co *£ cTco'crTc-* coci cn— <"io 

co ■ T-Kiini 1 


— r-i i->c o 

1 — r - '-C t .O o no \0 o • O '.£> ^ O 

o <s-T- — — ,-, — -x) i» -ft 

i-« •* c>) roc* >-< --» — «*■ 

m — < x ■ — 1 r-oro — 

iajC'Cr X. :~; ci 

cT «N*ceVc 

— cr- jo 'O — 

— « C^Xh-Mr--iO*0 ■ O -* ~r • i--!— 9 

SO 7i 1-- o — ( - o ■ :'■ — -o • — © y 

u* co :o — ■ — ■ t'-O • -f 'X o . to — « r 

00" <*i-~'4?«f OadS .'r~c_r=7i |h'o\ 

—« o ci 3 'Ci -^ -p co <o cor 

O CJlr- 

piCQ CO—. 

ri EO 1- -MOO© 

CC5N--IO — « r- C» ifl *j0 -f O CO • -co o • • 10 — • -^ 

= icojO 1 - ~ ~ — -i'jz ~ * - co -.o ■ ■ co •■£> — 

i-iKQ'JJt, © r- »C CO tC X) .-O CI • • O SO • -tOO© 

00 I 1- vVio'-N*'35'i"o I !i~"-*" 1 !■»**©* co 

>Cj *~ M 

OcpOO^rt ■ -co 

[- i—CO «H 

CO • --- — 

I o ■*_ 
I co" o 

co o 5 ?! 3 

-r • -Ci • ■ ■ -J CO 

'-f »rf ?o ^ r^ -: ;_2 : 

i/J (CiOcOiOCO'-OCTi ! ^co ', '. Icoc 

OOtOl-Mf 3 -1« M — 1 
cc jo iO rr- .-O .>; re -r iq 

1 — <£> jr.. ■ : tj -. t ro 
W5 N — ' -h" CO 

.-: -■'. '-1 i' r L~ o -j: :~ 
COM •^"CM^O" 

■* QO t~- ro -i* rO tft en 

iO O'/JKMf X- 
•X> M1O1 O — O 

a:o -^oSfi 

3 = :s H 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 121 

This table comprises many singular facts not generally borne 
in mind. The legal abolition of slavery at the North, it ap- 
pears, did not extinguish the slaves. It also appears that the 
free blacks gain rapidly on the slave population, even at the 
South. Nor could all the black laws of the Northwest terri- 
tory keep blacks out of Ohio and Illinois. The old, worthless, 
and thieving blacks will penetrate across the borders, to prey 
upon the white settlers. 

The remarkable fact in the above table is the increase of free 
blacks at the South, where they choose to remain, notwith- 
standing all the blandishments of the North. The increase of 
that class in Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia, is worthy of 
observation. In Delaware the black population may be said to 
be all free. In Maryland they were 8 per cent, of the slaves in 
1790, and have since gained at each census, until they are 80 
per cent, in 1850. They do not migrate, and this fact is char- 
acteristic of the race. Being without energy they dislike any 
exertion, even the requisite daily employment, far more so mi- 
gration to better their condition. If we compare the aggre- 
gate progress of the blacks in the three sections, the result is as 
follows : 

Blacks in the United States. 

, SODTH > 

North. West. Free. Slate. 

1790 66,080 32,635 6:17,047 

1800 82,800 5oo 61.241 857.og5 

1810 io3,237 3.454 io8,265 i,i63,854 

1820 113.961 8,040 i35,3o4 i,524,58o 

i83o I23,2i3 15,891 182,078 2,005,475 

1840 i44,32i 29,523 2i5.568 2,486,226 

i85o i5o,i42 46,852 238,737 3,2o4,o5i 

The Northern black population progresses at a very slow 
pace, notwithstanding the aid it acquires by migration. The 
free blacks at the South, on the other hand, increase rapidly, 
notwithstanding some loss by migration. Nevertheless, the 
aggregate increase at the North is far less than the natural in- 
crease of the whites. If the black race have been petted any- 
where on the face of the earth, it has been in Massachusetts, 
Rhode Island, and Connecticut. Yet the fact shows that in 
1820 there were in those States 18,559 blacks. 30 years after, 
in 1850, there were 20,427, an increase of less than 10 per cent, 
in 30 years. In Massachusetts alone there were, in 1800, 6,452 
blacks ; in 1850 these had increased to 9,0G0 — of these only 
5,699 were born in the State, 3,361 having come from other 


Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

States, and thus the native blacks in 50 years declined 752 in 
actual numbers. 

It is no doubt the fact that the Northern climate is too rigor- 
ous for the black nature, and that they do not increase for that 
among other reasons, but the great fact is, that no matter how 
high negro worship may run at the North, and how much so- 
ever the people of Massachusetts are disposed to educate, patron- 
ize, equalize, and evangelize the black race, they still inexora- 
bly require industry from him as one of the virtues. That, 
however, in the view of the black, counteracts all else that can 
be done for him. To live in Massachusetts not only is industry 
required, but a good deal of it, added to foresight and pru- 
dence, three qualities entirely foreign to the black nature. 
After all they have done for the black race, the New England 
philanthropy can get only a very scant supply of house-servants 
out of it. The fact of the small increase of blacks in a region 
where so many advantages are held out to him, contrasts 
strongly with his rapid increase in sections where his white 
friends allege he suffers great hardships. 

The census of 1840 gave some very interesting facts in rela- 
tion to the afflictions of the white and black race in respect of 
being deaf and dumb, blind and insane. The following are the 
figures taken from the census, arranged in parallels of latitude, 
as nearly as may be : 

Blacks. — Deaf and Dumb, Blind, and Insane. 

Patio of 
No. Deaf & Dumb. Blind. Insane. Insane. 

Louisiana i 193,554 17 36 45 4,3io 

Florida 26,534 2 10 12 2,211 

Mississippi 196, 58o 28 69 82 2,397 

Alabama 255,371 53 96 125 2.01 1 

Georgia 283.697 64 i5i i34 2,117 

South Carolina 335, 3i4 78 i56 137 2,447 

Latitude, 3o to 34 1,291,250 242 5i8 535 2,4i3 

Virginia 495,io5 i5o 466 384 !, 2I 9 

North Carolina 268,549 74 167 221 1,245 

Tennessee 188, 583 67 99 1 52 1,240 

Kentucky 189.575 77 141 180 i,o5i 

Missouri 59,814 27 42 68 879 

Maryland i5i,8i5 66 191 141 2 oo5 

Delaware 19,524 8 18 28 700 

Latitude, 34 to 38 1,372,695 469 1,124 1,174 1.170 

Ehode Tsland 3,238 3 1 i3 249 

Connecticut 8,io5 8 i3 44 184 

New Jersey 21,718 i5 26 73 297 

Pennsylvania 47,918 5i 96 187 256 

Ohio..' 17,345 33 33 i65 io5 

Indiana 7,168 i5 19 75 955 

Illinois 3,929 24 10 79 497 

Iowa 188 4 3 4 47 

Latitude, 38 to 42 109,609 i53 201 54o 2o3 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 123 

_ . . liatio of 

2fo. Deaf dk Dumb. Blind. Insane. Insane. 

Maine 1,355 i3 10 94 14.4 

Massachusetts 8,666 17 12 200 43.3 

New Hampshire 737 9 3 19 28.2 

Vermont 73o 2 2 i3 56!i 

New York 5o,o3i 68 91 194 21.2 

Mkhigan 707 2 4 26 27^2 

Wisconsin 196 .. .. 3 65.2 

Latitude, 42 to 46 .... 62,421 101 i32 549 

1 ID. 

This table presents extraordinary results ; the number of 
insane diminishes in the exact ratio in which we proceed 
South, with the exception of some of the Western States, 
where the blacks have mostly arrived in the State, and the 
infirm class do not accompany the others. Taking the paral- 
lels of latitude, the ratio of deaf, dumb, and blind to the whole 
number is as follows : 

latitude, Latitude, Latitude, Latitude, 

30 to 84. 34 tv 39. 3S to 42. 42 to 16. 

Deaf, Dumb, and Blind 1 to 1,200 1 to 870 1 to 309 1 to 255 

Insane 1 " 2,4i3 1 " 1,170 1 " 2o3 1 " u5 

These facts were disclosed by the census of 1840, and were 
brought to the notice of the public in an article in the 
'•Democratic Review," in 1845, by the present writer. At- 
tempts were immediately made to impeach the census return 
five years after it was taken, in order to invalidate its testi- 
mony. It was stated that in some towns of Massachusetts, 
there were more insane blacks reported than the whole black 
population consisted of. The fact that the insane blacks had, 
meantime, been removed to asylums, it was not, however, 
thought worth while to mention. Nevertheless, the effort pre- 
vented a correct return for the seventh census. That some 
errors did occur in taking the census is, no doubt, true; but 
its truthfulness in the aggregate is manifest from the fact it 
discloses. No, not only do the insane, but the other afflicted 
classes also increase in exact proportion to the climate. If 
important errors occurred, they could not have been made in 
such regular gradation. * The fact, however, of the greater 
infirmity of the black race in Northern climes thus made 
manifest, is only corroborative of the small increase of the 
class, and of the testimony of the public hospitals. It is to be 
regretted that the Massachusetts State returns, generally so 
useful and so accurate, should have ceased to distinguish be- 
tween the black and white races. If the returns did so dis- 
tinguish, important scientific research would be aided, without 

124 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

in any degree degrading the blacks. Omitting to distinguish 
them on paper does not efface the indelible distinction which 
the Almighty has imprinted on them. The endeavor to 
smother up inquiry in relation to ethnological facts, savors 
a good deal of tear lest theories are not founded on solid 
foundations. If the truth makes against the black and mixed 
races, why cling to error? If it makes in their favor, by all 
means let it be developed. One reason of the greater infirmity 
of the blacks at the North is, that they are a hybrid race, and 
have always the well-known tendency of such races to die out, 
and revert to the original stock. It is evident from the facts 
collated, that the black race, even made entirely free, will 
never come north if they can help it. 

If we, however, take the numbers confined in the jails of 
each section at the date of the census of 1850, we have the 
following extraordinary results: 

Black No. in Wliite No. in 

population. jail. One in population, jail. One in 

North i5o,i42 478 3io 8,342-938 2,710 3, 000 

West 46,852 87 542 5,4i3,o3o 760 7,000 

South 3,442,788 323 10,000 6,222,418 1,288 5,ooo 

Total 3,639,782 888 19,978,395 4,728 

The North again presents the most extraordinary results for 
the morals of that race, in a region where they are by far the 
most petted of the community. 

The white criminals confined at the North were as one to 
3,000 of the whole. It is true that a large portion of these 
were foreign born, showing that if the North has advantages 
from immigration, it has also disadvantages. At the West the 
proportion is less than in the other sections for the white race ; 
when we come to the blacks, however, we find that at the 
North one out of every 310 is in jail ; at the West, one out of 
542 is in jail ; and the South, one in 10,000 of all ; but con- 
fined to the free blacks, it is one in 800. 

The black race is more vicious a£ the North, as a necessity 
of its position ; it will not work ; it cannot compete with the 
white man, and crime is its ready support! If they had suffi- 
cient energy to migrate at all, they would tend southward, 
where nature will aid them in the indulgence of sensual idle- 
ness. It is probable that the Almighty has in store singular 
and severe manifestations of His wrath against those self- 
righteous persons, who, in their own blinded folly, seek to 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 125 

thwart His manifest intentions to exalt both and all races 
through the medium of black servitude to white intelligence. 
$y so doing, they strive to carry both back to the barbarism 
of the Middle Ages. It is, no doubt, the case that the condi- 
tion of servitude admits of many modifications for the better. 
The most important improvement needed is to exact more in- 
dustry from the blacks. Those employed in cities and as 
house-servants are notoriously indolent. Persons who visit 
the South are at once impressed with this fact. It is probably 
owing, in some degree, to the enervating effects of climate 
which takes from the energy required to direct black labor. 
There are vices and hardships in the system, it is true ; but 
there is no state of humanity exempt from these afflictions. 
The separation of families, and the sundering of domestic ties 
through the vicissitudes of life, are far less frequent among the 
black than among the white races. The Irish nation endures 
more misery from this source in a single year than afflicts the 
blacks in a quarter of a century. The records of the courts 
show that freedom is no bar against rape, seduction, and kin- 
dred villanies. If the blacks suffer least in this respect, they 
have also far less sensibility in relation to it when it occurs. 

That the free black race is a nuisance in whatever section it 
settles, is sufficiently manifest, not only from the natural repul- 
sion of the community, but from the action of State Legisla- 
tures. Ohio early adopted laws to exclude them from her soil, 
but repealed them to suit political parties during the "free- 
soil" campaign of 1850. The Northern States of Indiana, Illi- 
nois, Oregon, and Minnesota, have by law excluded them from 
their territories. The Legislature of Missouri has passed a law 
to the same effect. The State of Louisiana has also by law 
forbidden any free blacks to come into the State, and Arkan- 
sas has by law compelled the free blacks to leave the State or 
be enslaved. This disposition is extending even with the small 
number of negroes that are now free, and any accumulation 
of their numbers would, as in the West Indies, immediately 
evolve a war of races that would only end in the extermination 
of one. The antipathy is now strongly marked between them, 
and it requires only an increase in numbers to develop those 
characteristics of the blacks, which would make peace with 
them impossible. 

126 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 



We have followed briefly the progress which each national 
section has made in the production of wealth, and have 
shown that the greatest results, by all odds, have attended the 
Southern system. When we turn, however, to accumulation 
and possession, a different state of affairs presents itself. Neither 
the West nor the South hold much of what they produce. 
Wealth once extracted from the soil by labor, evinces a strong 
affinity for the North and East, and there piles up in a magni- 
tude which dazzles the observer. As the opulent always be- 
come purse-proud, so does the affluent North regard with a 
degree of haughtiness the very useful sections which pour 
riches into her lap. Exercising the prerogative of wealth she 
assumes the right to dictate manners and morality to those who 
are less thrifty in worldly matters. It is the nature of capital 
to accumulate, and the more so when the laws are so framed 
as to favor that accumulation. From the earliest period of the 
government the federal revenues have been derived from duties 
on goods imported. The duties have not been levied with a 
single view to revenue, but have been so adjusted as to afford 
the largest protection to Northern manufactures. In other 
words, to tax the consumers of goods West and South for the 
support of Eastern manufactures. The amount of customs so 
collected in the past TO years reaches 1100 millions of dollars, 
a large portion of which was disbursed at the North. This sum 
has been paid mostly by the South and West into the federal 
treasury, on goods imported. The sum of these may be 20 per 
cent, of the quantity home manufactured, and the value of 
which has been increased in the ratio of the duty. If, how- 
ever, it is assumed that the home-made goods have been en- 
hanced in value only to the extent of the customs revenue, 
then the Eastern manufacturers have obtained 1100 millions of 
dollars as tribute from the South and West. That large sum 
has been taken from agricultural industry and added to manu- 
facturing industry. The fisheries of the Eastern States drew 
$5,000,000 as bounties paid to those engaged in them, out of 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 127 

the federal treasury, to the date of the abolition of those boun- 
ties. The North enjoyed a monopoly of the carrying trade, 
foreign vessels being excluded. These, and other circum- 
stances drew the surplus capital from the agriculturist into the 
coffers of the manufacturer. The accumulation of capital thus 
brought about, became invested in stocks, banks, insurance 
companies, all of which drew large profits on credits granted to 
the other sections. The North has $600,000,000 so invested, of 
which $356,318,000 are in banks alone, which draws $60,000,000 
per annum from the earnings of the other sections. The fre- 
quent pilgrimages from all sections to the Eastern cities for the 
purchase of goods, and in pursuit of pleasure, form a large item 
of cost charged upon goods, that is paid by the consumer. The 
profits of other business may be approximated as follows : 

Bounties to fisheries, per annum $i,5oo,ooo 

Customs, per annum, disbursed at the North 40,000,000 

Profits of Manufacturers 3o, 000, 000 

" Importers 16,000,000 

" Shipping, imports and exports 40,000,000 

" on Travellers 60,000,000 

" of Teachers, and others, at the South, sent North. 5, 000, 000 

" Agents, brokers, commissions, &c 10,000,000 

' Capital drawn from the South 3o,ooo,ooo 

Total from these sources $23 1 ,5oo,ooo 

This is an approximation of the annual load which Southern 
industry is required to carry, and the means of paying it de- 
pends upon black labor. The heavy drain of capital thus cre- 
ated prevents an accumulation at the South, and promotes it 
as effectively at the North, where every such accumulation 
only accelerates the drain. If we take the aggregate of these 
items for 10 years only, the result is the enormous sum of 
$2,315,000,000, and allowing 20 per cent, of the sum only as 
the aggregate of the 50 previous years, the amount is 2770 
millions of dollars earned at the South, and added to Northern 
accumulation. The fishing bounties alone, as we have seen, 
reach $12,944,000, mostly paid to Maine and Massachusetts. It 
is not, therefore, a matter of surprise if we find the North very 
rich, and the South showing much slower accumulation. No 
matter how great may be the production of wealth at the 
South it pours off into Northern coffers as rapidly as it is cre- 
ated, and, singularly enough, the recipients of that wealth are 
continually upbraiding the South with its creation. As we 
have seen, in the quotation from the London Times, contained 
in a former chapter, English common-sense detects the absurd- 

128 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

ity, not to say indecency, of such conduct, and is disposed, at 
least, to be civil until they can do better. 

If we take the census figures for the amount of wealth in the 
Union, distinguishing real from personal, we have the follow- 
ing results. To the figures as returned by the census-makers, 
the commissioner, Mr. De Bow, added a " true" value. 

Real. Personal. Total. True. 

North $i,835,o63,6i3 $546,768,966 $2,381,782,579 $2,095,833,338 

West 619,04,287 195,054,073 8i5,2o8,36o 1,022,948,262 

South j, 443, 008, 447 1,381,727,523 2,826,735,970 3,947,781,366 

Total $3,899,226,347 $2,i25,44o,562 $6,024,666,909 $7,066,562,966 

The Southern figures for personal property include the slave 
property, and in illustration of the manner in wdiich incendiary 
partisan statistics have been propagated, we may refer to 
" Helper's Crisis." The above official figures give, it will be 
seen $1,445,008,447 as the real property at the South, and 
$1,381,727,523 as the personal, including slaves. "Helper's 
Crisis," p. 47, adds these two sums together, as follows : 

Valuation at the South $2,936,090,737 

Deduct value of slaves 1,600,000,000 

True net value of the Slave States $1,336,090,737 

It will be observed that in pretending to give the census 
figures he deducts, for the value of "slaves" alone, a sum 218 
millions greater than the census gave for all the personal prop- 
erty, including slaves, and the operation is disguised by bring- 
ing the real and personal valuations together. 

The means of determining the increase of wealth are not 
very definite. If there had been a valuation at the date of each 
national census the task of comparison would have been light. 
But this has not been the case. 

On the 14th July, 179S, Congress by law imposed a tax of 
$2,000,000 upon dwelling-houses, farm-lands, and slaves be- 
tween the ages of 12 and 50. In consequence of this tax, a 
valuation took place of lands and houses separately. In 1815 
a new valuation of houses, lands, and slaves took place to- 

The valuation of lands took place again by the census of 
1850, and the comparison of the number of acres and valuation 
at both periods, is as follows : 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 129 

, 1798. ^ ■ 1850. , 

No. of acres. Valuation. No. of acres. Valuation. 

New Hampshire 3,749,061 $19,028,108 3,392,414 $55,245,997 

Maine I 7 ,83i,6 2 8 5 9 ,445,6 4 2 H'^'j!?o , 54 ' 86 £'^ 8 

Massachusetts ) " ' ( 3, 356, 012 109,076,347 

Rhode Island 565,844 8,o82,355 563,o38 17,070,802 

Connecticut 2,649,149 4o,i63,955 2,383,879 72,726,422 

Vermont 4,918,722 i5,i65,484 4,125,822 63,367,237 

New York 16,414, 5io 74,885,075 19,119,088 554,546.642 

New Jersey 2,788,282 27,287,981 2,752,946 120,237, 5n 

Pennsylvania 11,939,835 72,824,852 14,923,347 407,876,099 

Delaware 1,074,105 4,o53,248 956,144 i8,88o,o3i 

Maryland 5,444,272 21, 634. 004 4,634, 35o 87,178,515 

Virginia 40, 458, 644 59,976,860 26,i52,3u 216.401, 444 

North Carolina 20,906,467 27,909,479 20,996,987 67,891,766 

South Carolina 9,772,587 12,456,720 16,217,700 82,431,684 

Georgia i3,534,i 5g io,263,5o6 22,821,379 o5, 753, 445 

Kentucky 17,674,634 20,268, 325 22,340,748 i54,33o,262 

Tennessee 3, 951, 357 5,847,662 18,984,022 97,851,212 

Total 163,746,686 $479,293,263 188,286,480 $2,275,730,124 

Dividing the Northern from the Southern States, the aggre- 
gates of each compare as follows : 

, South. ■ — , , North. ., 

Acres. Value. Acres. Value. 

1798 112,869,655 $162,409,811 5o, 877,031 $3i6,883,452 

i85o i33,ii3,64i 820,718,319 55,172,839 i,455,on,8o5 

Increase $658,3o8,5o8 $i,i38,i28,353 

The land at the North has increased $20 per acre, and the 
land at the South has increased $4 per acre. The concentra- 
tion of manufactures and commerce has given 1100 millions 
of dollars to the value of land in the Northern States, in 50 
years. At the South, where the eight States named embrace 
about one-half the Slave States, the growing value of the prod- 
uct only has been relied on to raise the value of the land. If 
we take the remaining Southern States, that have grown up 
since the valuation of 1798, but which are reported in the cen- 
sus of 1850, the result is as follows : 

Acres. Value. 

Old States, as above n3, 112,641 $820,718,319 

New " per census 47,371,907 234,703,237 

Total South, i85o 180,485,548 $i,o55,42i,556 

The South has thus added to the extent of its territory, and 
raised the value of the whole to 1055 millions. Those 47,371,907 
acres that have been added since 1798, were bought of the Fed- 
eral government for about $60,000,000, which has thus been 
contributed to the Federal expenses by slave-labor. We now 
come to the value of the slaves. These, by the law of 1798, 


130 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

were taxed 50 cents each. In 1815 the tax was again levied 
upon slaves, and tliey were included, as the Secretary ex- 
pressed it, because they increased the ability of the State to 
pay. The valuation of the blacks was then at $250 each, as 
follows : 

No. Each. Value. 

1798 893,041 §200 §178,608,200 

181 5 i,i63,854 25o 291,973,500 

i85o 3,204,3i3 55o i,6o3,7D8,656 

Increase from 1798 2,311,272 $i,425,i5o,456 

Increase in laud 893,01 1,74a 

Total increase in value of land and slaves 2,318,162,201 

We have seen, in a former chapter, that the product of these 
lands and slaves, sent out of the country, is $265,000,000, or 
11 per cent, of the value. That is, the value here given is 
equal to nine years' purchase ; but the other products of the 
slaves and lands support the workers and their masters. Thus 
this increased value of the land and hands is represented by 
the actual exchangeable productions, although the proceeds 
of those productions pour oft' into Northern coffers. At the 
North, 55 million acres have increased $1,138,128,253, on ac- 
count of their proximity to those manufacturing and commer- 
cial establishments that are employed by Southern expendi- 
tures and purchases of goods. That value is the reflection of 
■Southern industry. The manufacturing capital that has ac- 
cumulated at the North is to be added to the value of city 
property. If we now take the value of Western lands from 
the census of 1850, we have the sum of 67,420,583 acres, val- 
ued at $760,299,733. We may now include in the valuation 
the houses and improvements of the three sections, as follows : 

Real Estate Valuation. 

1798. 1814-15. 1850. 

North $422,271,673 $i,o36,3i9,5i3 $i,835,o63,6i3 

South 197,705,574 533,990,496 i,445,oo8,447 

West 61,347,216 619,154,287 

Total §619,977.247 $i,63i,657,224 $3,899,226,347 

Such has been the progress of valuation in each section. 
At the North, the same extent of land has received a value oi 
1400 millions additional. At the South and West, the area 
has extended as it has increased in value. 

If we turn to the census we find the valuation of farms and 
farm implements in each section to have been as follows : 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


Acres of Land Improved. — Value of Farms and Farm Implements. 

Acres Value of Value of 

Area. improved. farms. farm impl'ts. 

Maine 2o.33o,24o 2,039, 5o6 $54,861,748 $2,284,557 

New Hampshire 5,o3g.2oo 2,25i,488 55,245,997 2,3i4,i25 

Vermont 6,535, 58o 2,601,409 63,367,227 2,739,282 

Massachusetts 4,992,000 2,i33,436 109,076.347 3,209.584 

Rhode Island 825,840 356,487 17,070,802 497,201 

Connecticut 2,991,360 1,768,178 72,726,422 1.892,541 

New York 3o, 080, 000 12,408,964 554,546,642 22,084,926 

New Jersey 5, 324, 800 1,767,991 120,237,311 4,425,5o3 

Pennsylvania 29,440,000 8,628,619 407,876,099 14,722,541 

Total North 106,459,020 33,956, i58 $1,455,008,795 $54,170,160 

Ohio 26,576,960 9,85i,493 358,758,6o3 12, 750, 585' 

Indiana 21,637,760 5, 046. 543 i36,385, 173 6,704,444 

Illinois 35,359,2oo 5,o39,545 96.133,290 6,4o5,56i 

Michigan 35,995,520 1,925,110 61,872,446 2,891,371 

Wisconsin 34,3u,86o 1,042.499 28,028.563 1,641, 568 

Iowa 32,584,960 824,682 16,657,567 1,172,869 

California 99,827,200 32,454 3,874,041 io3.483 

Territories 631,021,740 320.416 4,976,839 36i,652 

Total West 917,515,260 24,089,742 $697,186,522 $32,o3i,533 

Delaware 1, 356, 800 58o,862 i8,88o.o3i 510,279 

Maryland 7,119,360 2,797,905 87,178,545 2,463,443 

District of Columbia 16,267 1,730,460 40.220 

Virginia 39,165,280 io,36o,i35 216, 401, 543 7,021,772 

North Carolina 32,45o,56o 5,453.975 67,891,766 3. 931. 532 

South Carolina i8,8o5,4oo 4,072. 65i 82,43i,684 4,i36,354 

Georgia 37,120.000 6,378,479 95,753,445 5, 894,150 

Florida 37,93i,5oo 349.049 6,323,109 668,790 

Alabama 32,027,490 4.435,6i4 64,323,224 5.125,663 

Mississippi 30,179,840 3,444,358 54,738.634 5,762,927 

Louisiana 26,403,200 1,590.025 70,814.398 11,576,938 

Texas l52,oo2,5oo 643,976 i6.55o,oo8 2,101,704 

Arkansas 33,406,720 781, 53o 10. 265, 245 1.601,296 

Tennessee 29,184,000 5,175,173 97.801,212 5,36o,2io 

Kentucky 24,ii5.2oo 5,968.270 1S0.021.262 5,169,037 

Missouri*. 43, 123,200 2,938,420 63,220,543 3,981,020 

Total South 544,926,720 54,986,714 $1,119,380,109 $75,385,945 

Total 1,568,901,000 ii3,o32,6i4 $3,271,575,426 $i5i,587,638 

These figures are from the census, and they show us that 
farm lands at the South are not much behind the West, but 
they give an inordinate value to the farms of the North. Seem- 
ingly the lands are valued higher in proportion to their sterility. 
The average value of the farm lands of the North is $42 per 
acre, at the West $29, and at the South $20 for improved lands. 
The value of farm implements is as great at the South, nearly, 
as in both the other sections. In Louisiana they nearly reach 
the value of those in Ohio. Comparing the agricultural West 
with the agricultural South, we have results as follows: 

Improved Value farm Value 

area. lands. Implements. 

West 24,089,742 $697,186,522 $32,o3i,533 

South 54,986,714 1,119,380,109 75,385,945 

In favor of the South .. . 30,897,972 $422,193,587 $43,354,412 

132 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

The "West, as we have seen, has received G00,000 foreign im- 
migrants, and a great number of Eastern immigrants, together 
with hundreds of millions of dollars poured over her lands, 
while the South has depended only on itself, and yet it has 100 
per cent, more land under the plough, 130 per cent, more value 
in farm implements, and 60 per cent, more value to its lands. 
This is free and slave labor in the same business. These are 
the means of production. It is the Northeast which retains 
the accumulation. "With a far less area the value of lands is 
much greater, but this includes the numerous cities and manu- 
facturing localities, which are made valuable by Southern 
traffic. The city of New York has a value of $551,928,122, or 
equal to the whole State of Pennsylvania, exceeding that of 
any "Western State except Ohio, and of the Southern States ex- 
cept Virginia. The trade and valuation of New Orleans, and 
New York and Boston compare as follows : 

Imports and 

Heal estate. 




New Orleans. . 

■ £65,774,797 








629 904 

The business of New Orleans embraces the large river re- 
ceipts of produce, which go to swell its exports, and its exter- 
nal business is larger than that of Boston ; yet its personal 
property is very small, and the value of its real estate nothing 
in proportion to its business. The real estate of New York is 
enhanced in value by the crowd of buyers from the South, to 
•catch whose business high rents are paid for desirable sites, and 
the holders of the old Knickerbocker farms have grown im- 
mensely wealthy by the confluence in Broadway of the Yankee 
dealers and Southern buyers. The "Western cities present no 
such rise in value. Cincinnati, with a population of 155,000, 
has its real estate valued at $55,595,825, or less than New Or- 

The tendency at the North is to increase the wealth and pop- 
ulation of the cities that enjoy the Southern trade, while the 
agricultural population diminishes by migration "West. This 
has produced a declining value of farm lands. The census 
gave for New York the value of farm lands at $554,546,642, 
while the real estate in New York city alone is $378,954,930, 
or nearly three-fourths. The real estate in Boston exceeds the 
value of farm lands in Massachusetts by 44 millions. The 
sterile nature of the soil, as compared with that of the West, 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 133 

while its valuation is so much greater, prompts migration. 
Farm lands in Massachusetts are valued at $50 per acre, and 
much better are had at the West for $10. New York lands 
are valued at $45 per acre, and produce far less than Western 
lands at $5 per acre. 

The valuations of land are, however, little to be depended 
upon, a fact which the revulsion in the Northwest brings home 
to the experience of vast numbers of individuals at the present 
moment. At the North everywhere, farm lands are greatly 
overvalued. It is true that nothing is more difficult than to 
affix values to landed property, and the value of such property 
varies rapidly. Thus, a farm of — say 100 acres — under fair 
management, may give the owner his living in exchange for 
his labor, and $600 per annum clear money. This would be 
the interest on $10,000, and he might, under such circum- 
stances, estimate his land as worth $100 per acre. This, how- 
ever, is not the case ; very few farms will, at the North, give 
any thing beyond a meagre support of a family in return for 
hard labor and care. Nevertheless, the universal valuation is 
$100 per acre for farms. Every owner feels that if he could 
sell at that price, and place the money at seven per cent, interest, 
he should be rich without working at all, compared with his 
farm life. Hence it is that throughout the length and breadth 
of the North and West, every farm is for sale. In England 
and Europe land is tenaciously held ; in this country no kind 
of property is more readily parted with. This fact grows out 
of the over valuation. In years of large exports of food, farm 
profits, as a matter of course, rise, and the holder is enabled 
to meet his mortgages readily ; for nearly all the farms are 
mortgaged. In a time of low prices, like the past year, the 
mortgages are paid with difficulty, and when the land comes 
to market $10 or $50 per acre is found to be nearer the realiz- 
able value. The holders of mortgages are they who reap the 
true value of the farm lands. The grasp which the money- 
lenders and speculators have upon the free labor of the North 
is universal and tenacious, and "financial talent" is always on 
the lookout to mortgage other peoples' labor for their own 
benefit. This was singularly the case with the Holland Land 
Company in the State of New York. That company held a 
large tract where the Western terminus of the Erie Railroad 
now is. The land was settled by numbers of industrious set- 
tlers, who had taken the lands of the company to improve 

134 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

them, and to pay as they could. When they paid up, they 
were to have deeds. These settlements were in a state of prog- 
ress, when, in an evil hour, financial talent, in the shape of 
William II. Seward, Esq., and his coadjutors, turned their at- 
tention to the "free lahor" of that region, and concluded to 
make it available by " bonds." They agreed to buy out the 
Holland Land Co. ; but in order to do it, they must enchain 
the free laborers. They persuaded these simple-minded men, 
who were paying up the principal on their lands as best they 
could, to take deeds, and give mortgages with " bonds," bear- 
ing interest inexorably twice a year. These mortgages the 
financiers pledged with the American Life and Trust Co., for 
loans with which to buy out the Land Co. The free laborers 
soon found that they were in the hands of the spoiler, and 
when they could no longer wring from the earth the inevitable 
semi-annual interest, they were cleared, as the negro-loving 
Duchess of Sutherland cleared her estates of pauper residents, 
they being driven forth to new homes in the West. Their 
departure left the lands in the hands of those who knew how 
to profit largely by the construction of the Erie Railroad 
over them. Thus it is that free labor is made useful to those 
who understand the " higher law" of finance. The mortgage 
holders generally are they who reap the profit of free fanning 
labor. E. D. Mansfield, Esq., the able Commissioner of Statis- 
tics for the State of Ohio, gives the mortgages upon the lauds 
of that State at $50,000,000. 

If we take from the State returns of last year the valuation 
of such States as have been officially given, we get returns as 
follows : 

State Returns of Taxable Acres, Valuation, Slave Value, Other Personal, 
and Total Valuation, 1858. 

Acres Value of Si five Other Total 

taxed. land. value. personal. valuation. 

Virginia 37,000,000 $374,080,888 $313,148,275 $355,827,763 $1,043,965,928 

Georgia 33,759,233 181,677,194 271.620,405 156,292,277 609,589,876 

Florida 2,265.5o3 13.910.981 27,25o,55i 8,299.932 49461,466 

Texas 47,937.537 86,539,3o6 71,912,496 33.935,575 192,387,377 

Arkansas... 7,989.676 42,385,704 34,794.704 10,869,007 88,049,41$ 

Tennessee... 25,362,726 166,417.907 82.3 19.723 11,581,981 260,319,611 

Kentucky... 21,568.383 270,960818 95,588,479 53.809,903 420,359,180 

Missouri 26,525,338 235,892,792 45,090,028 39,072,373 320,o5o,i93 

Total... 202,399.296 $1,372,774,597 $941,724,661 $669,688,811 $2,984,188,046 

These are the figures for eight Southern States. The value 
of the lands given in the above table from the census in these 
same States was $629,000,000, an increase of $743,000,000 ! in 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 135 

eight years following the rise in the value of the cotton crop. 
It will be observed that the other seven Southern States, of 
which we have no official State returns, gave a value of 
$490,000,000 in the above census table. If these have in- 
creased in the same ratio as those for which we have returns, 
and there is no reason to doubt it, then the whole increased 
value in the Southern States is $1,333,000,000 ! ! There was 
no speculation in these States ; but they were, to some extent, 
acted upon adversely by the land speculation of the North- 
west, which attracted capital thither even from the South. 
If we turn now to the State returns of seven Free States, the 
results are as follows : 


Acres. Value. value. Total. 

California 5,o37,557 56,o6o,35i 48,919,728 i3i, 306,269 

Indiana 21,918,659 176.894,881 i4i,3io,o23 318.204,964 

Illinois 42,100,000 395,663,459 in, 813,908 407^477,367 

Iowa io,445,oo3 98,101,200 41, 943, 333 140. 044, 533 

Ohio 19,800,000 590,285,947 25o, 314.084 84o.8oo,o3i 

Michigan 7,917,322 88,101,204 32.261,670 120,362,474 

Wisconsin 17,411,319 i55,oi2,33o 13,607,893 152,537,700 

Total 124,629,860 $1,560,119,372 §610,370,199 $2,111,233,345 

The valuation of these same States in the table, page 131, was 
$692,209,000, showing an increase of $S67,910,000 as the 
result of the vast migration from abroad and the East, with 
the expenditure of many hundred millions in addition to the 
railroad expenditure. The territories may have increased so 
as to bring up the value to $1,000,000,000.' 

This increase is flattering, but what are the results ? The 
West is bankrupt in face of that valuation ; capital flows back 
from it as fast as it can be realized. The money sent there is 
sunk; the railroads do not earn expenses; and the lands, with 
their high valuation, do not give back an interest upon mort- 
gages. The South, on the other hand, has attained that valua- 
tion on a basis of the actual rise in value and sale of the produce 
of the land. The annual produce not only amply pays the in- 
terest, but it gives a higher value to the price of slaves, which 
have risen to $1500 to $2000 for a good field-hand. There is 
no " back set" in the values thus attained, while those of the 
"West are a wreck. In these figures for the Southern States we 
have also the fact, that there is personal property in those States, 
over and above the value of slaves, more than equal to the 
amount of personal in the Western States. The fact is a com- 
plete refutation of that assertion which has been freely circu- 
lated, to the effect that the South has no personal property be- 

136 SoutJicm Wealth and JVoriheim Profits. 

sides its blacks. The taxable valuation of the Eastern States 
compare as follows : 

Census, 1850. Slate, 1S50. 

Maine 96,799,553 162,472.914 

Massachusetts 53i,io6,824 597,9.36,993 

New Hampshire 95,251,596 io3,8o4,326 

Vermont 72.980.483 86,775,213 

Connecticut 119,088,672 211,187,683 

Khode Island 77.738,974 1 1 1,175,174 

New York 715.369,028 1,404,907.679 

New Jersey 1 53.25 1 .619 

Pennsylvania 5oo. 275, 85i 568,770.234 

Total $2,381,782,690 §3,426,180,218 

Increase 1,044,398,61 

This increase has been mostly in city values. Thus, Ver- 
mont gives the official value of lands in 1859 at $69,274,600, 
and in the above census table, it was given at $63,367,227, 
showing that six millions only out of an aggregate increase 
of 16 millions is due to lands. As a result, the nine Northern 
States give an increase of 1000 millions in city and personal 
property. This increase has been in the face of the vast sums 
that have been sent West for investment, and the migration of 
capital with settlers to that region. The South has supplied 
the capital which has accumulated at the North, and which 
has endowed the West with such factitious prosperity. It is 
to be borne in mind that very much of the personal property of 
the North escapes taxation. 

It is not alone in the valuations that the increased capital at 
the North manifests itself, but in banks, ships, manufacturing, 
corporate companies of all descriptions, of which the figures 
can be realized. If we compare the bank returns for the pres- 
ent year with 1850, we find the increase in capital as follows : 

Bank Capital of the United States. 

ISSO. 1859. 

Ko. Capital. Ko. Capital corporate. Private. 

North 5i6 $121,909,000 o34 $261,773,830 §94.545,000 

South 182 399 104,030,994 10,276,369 

West 65 8,675,000 243 23,171,418 13,204,711 

Total 753 §208,216,000 1,576 $388,976,242 $ii8,o36,o8o 

The bank capital of the Union began to take a start in 1818, 
having then recovered from the breakdown of the old revul- 
sion. The increase of the capital was mostly North and East, 
following the concentration of general business. The increase 
at the West was on a basis of Eastern capital, sent out with a 
view to control business. The private banking capital is that 
as given in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for 1856, 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 137 

page 141. That capital had mostly grown up within a few 
years. The increase of corporate capital at the North was, 
in round numbers, 140 millions, and 90 millions of private, 
making together 230 millions employed in a business which 
pays 10 per cent, net upon mostly Southern connections. 
The increase of tonnage at the North has been as follows : 

North. South. West. Total. 

i85o 2,653,975 760,841 140.678 3,535,454 

1859 3,669,1 15 i,oo5,852 374,841 5,049.808 

Increase i,oi5,i4o 245, on 234, i63 i,5i4,354 

The whole tonnage has increased, it appears, 1,514,351 tons; 
of this two-thirds, or 1,015,140, has been North and East, rep- 
resenting a value of $45,000,000. 

The railroads have increased North and West $700,000,000, 
of which nearly the whole was owned in the Eastern States. 
That a good portion of it was lost does not take from the fact 
that it was there to invest. 

Manufacturing capital has increased in a very rapid ratio. 
Thus, the census report gave the capital in New York and 
Massachusetts, invested in manufactures in 1850 at $188,184,697. 
The state census of the two States give it at $227,042,000 in 
1855, an increase of 20 per cent, in five years. The same ratio 
would give an increase to 1859 of $142,000,000. 

These items give a Northern increase of capital as follows : 

Banking §232.000.000 

Tonnage 45,000.000 

Kailroads 5oo, 

Manufacturing 142,000.000 

Corporate companies 1 00,000,000 

Total £1,019,000,000 

This gives a round amount of capital derived from Southern 
business mostly, and employed in enterprises which derive a 
profit from the same source. This capital should pay 10 per 
cent., which would give 100 millions per annum. That portion 
of it invested in Western railroads will fall short of that in- 
come for the reason that the Western resources will not pay 
the investment. 

The results of these figures plainly show that while the 
South produced vast wealth, the Northern profits have absorbed 
most of it. They also show that the South begins to accumu- 
late itself. Its personal property begins to show a high figure. 
Its railroads and manufactures begin not only to reimburse 
capital but employ labor. In short, the South has commenced 

138 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

to make capital work at home, and, by so doing, not only to 
propagate itself but to attract. In addition to its strength of 
position and natural resources, it is rapidly gaining wealth, and 
by so doing, creating a defence to the'operation of Northern 
capital. To this growing strength the folly of the North has 
added desire. In an early chapter of this book we gave from 
Judge Johnson's charge a description of the South in 1807. 
Contrast that with the picture we have presented in these pages, 
and it will appear that the South does not occupy a position to 
be trifled with. 



At the time of the adoption of the federal constitution the 
condition of slaves was very different at the South from what 
it has since become. At that time there was, as we have 
shown in a previous chapter, no large branch of industry to en- 
gage the blacks, and their future fate was matter of anxiety. 
The progress of the cotton culture has changed that, and the 
interests of millions of whites now depend upon the blacks. 
The opinions of statesmen of that day were formed upon exist- 
ing facts ; could they have seen 50 years into the future their 
views upon black employment would have undergone an entire 
change. The blacks were then prospectively a burden ; they 
are now an absolute necessity. They then threatened Ameri- 
can civilization; they are now its support. With multiplying 
numbers they have added to the national wealth. They have 
become the instruments of political agitation, while they have 
conferred wealth upon the masses. 

From the moment of the formation of the Federal Union 
there commenced a struggle for political power which has not 
ceased to be directed against the Slave States. The instrument 
of union, while it provided for the extinction of the slave-trade, 
which then formed so large a portion of Northern traffic, con- 
tained also a provision for black representation in the Southern 
States, stipulating that that representation should not be 
changed until 1808, and thereafter only by a vote of three- 
fourths of all the States. That provision has been the ground- 
work of that constant Northern aggression upon Southern in- 
terests which has so successfully gained on the federal power 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 139 

until now it imagines the desired three-fourths is within its 
reach, when the South, with its interests, will be at the feet of 
the abolitionists. The South has stood steadily on its defence, 
but while the circle has narrowed in upon it, the North has 
not ceased to clamor against Southern aggression ! Like Jemmy 
Twitcher, in the farce, who, having robbed a passenger, loses 
the plunder, and exclaims, " there must be some dishonest per- 
son in the neighborhood !" The following are passages that 
occur in the Constitution : 

Art. I., Clause Zd. 
" Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several 
States, which may be included within this Union, according to their respec- 
tive numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of 
free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and ex- 
cluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." 

Art. I., Section 9, 1st Clause. 

" The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now 
existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
prior to 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not 
exceediug $10 for each person." 

Art. V. 

"The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it neces- 
sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution ; or, on the application 
of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a conven- 
tion for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all in- 
tents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legis- 
latures of three-fourths of the several States, 

" Provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 
1808 shall in any manlier affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth sec- 
tion of the first article." 

The original 13 States that adopted this Constitution were all 
Slave States with the exception of Massachusetts, which, although 
it then held no slaves had an interest in continuing the slave- 
trade, in opposition to the wishes of the Slave States. The 
struggle in the Convention in relation to the discontinuance of 
the slave-trade, was between the New England States, that de- 
sired the traffic, and Virginia and Delaware that wished no 
more slaves, while those Southern States that had but a few 
blacks desired to import them without tax. On the vote New 
Hampshire and Massachusetts voted to continue the trade until 
1808, and Virginia and Delaware voted "nay," or for its im- 
mediate discontinuance. No sooner had the Constitution been 
adopted, however, than the annexation of Louisiana became a 
necessity, in order to give an outlet to the sea for the produce 

140 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

of the West, Lut, notwithstanding the great advantage which 
the annexation was to confer upon Massachusetts, she opposed 
it to the point of threatening to dissolve the Union if it was car- 
ried out. That, after the great rebellion of Shay within her 
borders, was the first disunion threat, and the motive was fear 
of the political increase of Southern strength. Those fears 
were like all party pretences, short-sighted, since that territory 
has given more Free than Slave States to the Union. This threat 
of disunion was made while yet Massachusetts was engaged in 
the slave-trade, that the State had voted to prolong to 1808. 
The same cry was renewed in respect of Florida, and again, 
with greater violence, in the case of Missouri ; to be again re- 
vived in respect of Texas; and once more, with circumstances 
of greater atrocity in the case of Kansas. It is remarkable 
that while Free States come in without any great struggle on 
the part of the South, the safety of which is threatened by each 
such accession, the admission of Slave States is the signal of so 
much strife, and this resistance to a manifest right of the South 
is denounced as " Southern aggression." 

The gradual abolition of slavery in the old Northern States, 
and the rapidity with which Eastern capital, following migration, 
has settled the Western States, has given a large preponderance 
to the free interest in the national councils. Of the 26 senators 
that sat in the first Congress, all represented a slave interest, 
more or less : with the States and territories now knocking for 
admission, there are 72 senators, of whom 32 only represent the 
slave interest. That interest, from being " a unit" in the Sen- 
ate, has sunk to a minority of four, and yet the majority do not 
cease to complain of Southern "aggression." With this rapid 
decline in the Southern vote in the great " conservative body" 
of the Senate, the representation in the lower house has fallen 
to one-third. Flow long will it be before the desired three- 
fourths vote, for which a large party pant, will have been ob- 
tained, and, when obtained, what will have become of those 
Southern rights which are even now denied by party leaders to 
be any rights at all. In the last 30 years 11 Free States have 
been prepared for the Union; a similar progress in the next 30 
years and the South will have fallen into that constitutional mi- 
nority which may deprive it of all reserved rights. This circle is 
closing rapidly in upon it, amid a continually rising cry of aboli- 
tion, pointed by bloody inroads of armed men. This is called 
Southern "aggression." The apportionmentshavebeen as follows: 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 


Representation under each Census Apportionment, 










13 States. 

16 States. 

17 States. 

19 States. 

24 States. 

26 States. 

26 States. 

31 States 


[ l 







Massachusetts . . 

. 8 


New Hampshire 

. 3 














Rhode Island . . 

























. 4 








Pennsylvania . . 

. 8 














9 4 


















. 5 










North Carolina. 


South Carolina. 

. 5 







































1 1 





























1 1 

















1 83 





There are now nearly ready to come in — Kansas, Minnesota, 
Oregon, Washington, Nebraska, Utah, New Mexico ; while the 
vast immigration of the last ten years, reaching over 3,500,000 
sonls, will have added to the Western numbers, under the sup- 
position that the estimate of population given for each section 
in another chapter on population of this book is correct, and 
that nearly the same number of representation is returned, 
the representation will be : South, 81 ; North, 88 ; West, 62 ; 
giving the South less than one-third. 

With this future before it, and these manifestly hostile in- 
tentions encouraged by party votes in favor of the leaders that 
avow them, it certainly is wise on the part of the South to seek 
safety in prompt remedies. It is in vain that unscrupulous 
party leaders deny any design ulterior to the exclusion of 

142 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

slavery from new territories. That pretence ever was fraudu- 
lent, since it is nature that decides the question, and has so de- 
cided it against slavery in nine original Northern slaveholding 
States, and will always so decide it North. Public indignation 
aroused by the evident dangers evoked by this partisan object, 
compels a denial of abolition intentions ; but this denial is too 
evidently a mask to deceive the mass of the people. The 
immigration from Europe in the past few years has inured 
almost entirely to the benefit of the North. The census of 
1850 gave the nativities of the white population ; the figures 
are contained in a chapter upon that subject. The immigrants 
and their descendants number 5,000,000 souls, or one-fifth of 
the entire white population, and these have swollen the Free 
State representation ; while the population of the South, as well 
black as white, has progressed only by natural means. It is 
to be borne in mind, also, that the very prosperity of the 
South, growing out of large crops, and higher prices for it, 
operates against the political extension of the section, since 
it tends powerfully to concentrate the population. We have 
shown, under the head of cotton-culture, the remarkable ex- 
tension which took place during the speculative excitement, 
from 1830 to 1840, in the black population. The fertile lands 
of the great valley were then discovered to bear more cotton 
at less price than the Atlantic States, and that migration of 
blacks took place which produced so manifest a change in 
the slave population in the several States by the census of 
1850. In the table of black population, given in the preced- 
ing chapter, of the blacks who left the Atlantic for the new 
States, a considerable number, when the disasters came on, 
were run to Texas; when that State was reannexed, these slaves 
again appeared in the enumeration of 1850. The effects of 
that migration are very remarkable. In Delaware and Mary- 
land the slave population fell from 106,286 in 1830, to 92,342 
in 1840, a decline of 13,944 in addition to the natural increase. 
The free blacks in the same time increased 10,204. The census 
of 1850 gave a slight increase of slaves in 1850. In the State 
of Virginia the slaves declined over 20,000 up to 1840, but 
recovered 23,000 up to 1850. In the nine years that have 
elapsed since the census, an immense addition has been made 
to the cotton crop, and also to its value. Although the crop 
doubled from 1830 to 1840, under the spur of the speculation 
of those years, it remained nearly stationary in the ten years 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 143 

up to 1850, since then it has again doubled ; that is to say, the 
cotton raised in the five years ending with 1860 is 17,782,307 
bales, and in the five years ending with 1850 there were raised 
8,951,587, or 85,431 bales less than half; at the same time the 
price per lb. at one time, in 1857, ranged 18 cents. Under 
such circumstances, the value of cotton hands reached $2,000; 
while they were nearly as valuable for sugar culture. It is 
obvious that, under such circumstances, no one can spare 
blacks for the settlement of new States. On the other hand, 
they are concentrated on the cotton lands of the old States 
with great rapidity, and the census of the next year will show 
the effects of those influences upon the local populations. The 
same causes that are operating to make black servitude annu- 
ally more important to the world at large, are also operating 
against the expansion of political power in the South. It need 
hardly be said that concentration of population aids power- 
fully in the development of wealth, giving a greater impulse 
to manufacturing industry. By so doing, it becomes the more 
important for Northern and confederate States to avoid all 
political aggression. 

The concentration of hands in the cotton States must dimin- 
ish the direct interest in the Northern Slave States ; but it in- 
creases their interest in slave-labor, since they possess the 
elements of supplanting the Northern Free States in the supply 
of manufactured goods to the South. 

Under these circumstances, the apportionment to take place 
under the eighth census, to be taken this year, will indicate 
a concentration of blacks; but in the last decade the arrivals 
of emigrants from abroad have been over 3,000,000, a large 
portion of whom have gone West, in company with consider- 
able numbers from the Eastern and Middle States, drawn 
thither by the railroad speculation, and the West will receive 
a vast accession of power in the lower branch of the national 
government. The interest of that section is less in common 
with the South than is the East, since the South — if it affords 
an outlet by the great river for Western produce — is not of it- 
self a large customer for it. And the Northern railroads have 
diminished much of the importance of the Southern water- 
courses. The Atlantic States have sought to build up a 
Western interest by large railroad expenditure, and it may 
draw its food thence in exchange for manufactures for a season 
or until the West manufacture for itself. The West cannot 

144 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

afford it commerce, or raw materials, or an extended market. 
The East is, therefore, the " natural ally" of the South, and the 
two united would without difficulty hold their own against the 

It is to be borne in mind that the causes which, since the 
famine of 1846, have given so great an impulse to immigration, 
have now measurably ceased to operate. The condition of Ire- 
land is reversed, and great numbers return thither every year, 
while the prospect of peace and renewed prosperity in Europe 
have operated in the past few years to check the disposition to 
migrate to America, and the cutting off those supplies of pop- 
ulation will greatly affect the North. 

It results that if the mere politician sees in the course of 
events the chance of reaching power by riding the anti-slavery 
hobby, he does it at the risk of concentrating Southern wealth 
into a powerful nation, that will be compelled to seek the safety 
of its present institutions in independence. 

The kind of argument which is used in support of this ag- 
gressive policy, based upon violence, is beneath contempt. 
The French Emperor exclaimed, "The Empire is peace ;" with 
how much greater force is it asserted that " the Union is peace," 
and also the converse, that "disunion is war?" When a mem- 
ber of the national councils, probably after dinner, exclaims that 
the North is too strong to permit disunion,: — in other words, 
that it will " compel" union, no matter how hard the condi- 
tions, he gives an example of the " meeting of extremes," — his 
zeal against slavery leads him to threaten the enslavement of a 
whole people. The North has but one interest, — it is to side 
earnestly with the Union, and extinguish every public man who 
dares to excite sectional prejudices in order to obtain votes for 
his own aggrandizement. 



In the preceding pages we have traced briefly, in several 
branches, the surprising progress which the U. States have made 
in population and wealth during the first 60 years of their ex- 
istence. We have seen that the original States have increased 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 145 

from a valuation of $619,977,247 in 1798, to $3,899,226,347 in 

1850, or thus : 

1799. 1850. 

Valuation $619,977,247 $3,899,226,347 

Population 5,3o5,923 23,191,879 

Value per head $117 $168 

The real estate has improved 45 per cent, in value per head 
of a population that has quadrupled. The personal estate in 
the same period rose to $3,834,143,378, or about the same as 
the real estate, making an aggregate of about $336 per head of 
the population. Such a rate of progression cannot indicate a 
wrong system. The increase of wealth has been prodigious, 
and it has been well distributed through the Northern States. 
We find, however, this fact, that while the population of the 
North has increased less rapidly than that of either of the other 
sections, its wealth has increased more rapidly. 

The following table presents a summary of the leading facts 
set forth in the preceding chapters in relation to the production 
and valuation of each section, with the population and area : 

North. West. South. Total. 

White population 8,626,852 4,900,368 6,222,418 19,749,63$ 

White hands in agri- 
culture 823,17,1 728,127 849,285 2,4oo,583' 

Area, acres 102.878,080 917,310,240 538.533,120 1,558,926.440 

Product agriculture.. §295,568,699 $246,097,028 $528,571,103 $1,070,236,830 

Hands in manufacture __ 634,761 122,354 151,9,44 959,069 

Cotton manufacture.. $52,062,933 $438,900 $9,367,331 $61,869,184 

Total " .. 715,846,142 138,780,537 164,579,937 1,019,106,616 

Exports $78,217,202 $198,389,351 $278,392,080. 

Tonnage 3, 481, 436 373,661 918,092 4,773,189, 

Railroads, miles 8,685 10,706 8,171 27, 562' 


Value of animals $173,812,690 $H2,563,85i $*53,795,33o $538,171,871 

Capital in manufacture 382,366.732 i55,883,o45 94,995,674 533.245,822' 

Value of tonnage 17,407,180 i,868,3o,5 4,390,460 23,865,945 

" railroads 451,949,410 298,837.647 22i,857,5o3 972,644,560. 

" bank capital.. 186,668,462 16,978,1.30 97,730,579 301.376,071 

" private " .. 94,545,000 13,204,711 10,286,369 n8,o36,o8o. 

Real estate .. i,835,o63,6i3 619,154.287 1,445.008,447 3,899226,347 

Personal estate 544,718,966 195,054.073 1,385,727,523 2,125,440,562 

Total $3,688,532,o53 $i,4i3,544,o49 $3, 514,074, i85 $8,616,150,2.87 

The Southern valuation includes the slaves. The Northern 
agricultural productions include hay, which is rather an ex- 
pense than a product. The valuations of real and personal es- 
tate are those of the census returns, to which the commission- 
ers affixed a corrected value, at $7,066,562,966. Of this the 
Northern proportion was $380 per head ; the Southern $304 ; 


146 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

and the Western $200. That part of the country which had 
the least natural resources accumulated the most wealth. This 
has resulted from the workings of capital in aid of manufactur- 
ing and commercial indnstiy, favored by the laws of the federal 
Union. The bounties paid to fisheries, the protective tariffs, 
giving to the Northern factories a monopoly of supplying the 
South and West with goods ; the monopoly of the carrying trade, 
and the expenditure of the government revenue mostly at the 
North, — these have all resulted from the operation of the fed- 
eral laws, and the laws of finance governing accumulated cap- 
ital, have put the whole country under contribution to that 
capital. The laws of trade have, by concentrating the markets 
at the North, required a periodical Northern pilgrimage, which 
has enriched the cities of the East, as Mecca is supported by 
the pilgrimages of the faithful. The whole surplus production 
of the country has, therefore, centred at the North, making 
the rich richer, and making " capital" the sole strength of the 
North, as opposed to the "labor" of the South and West. 
While this has been the case, a very curious change has been 
going on in the population of the Northern States, as disclosed 
by the census. The poor classes of native, mostly agricultural, 
population, have emigrated in hundreds of thousands to the 
West and South, and as many poor foreigners have filled the 
space thus vacated to carry on small trades, and perform do- 
mestic service. This change is apparent in the census returns. 

Population of the North in 1700 1,968,455 

" " " i85o 8.626,85i 

Increase 6,658,396 

Native Northern emigration 1,428,579 

Foreigners domiciled 1,292,241 

Excess native emigration * 1 36,338 

These foreigners are mostly domestic servants and artisans. 
If these were deducted from the Northern aggregate popula- 
tion, the value of property per head would be so much the 
greater. Thus the North has been dividing into a poor foreign 
population and a wealthy native population. The revenues 
and profits of the latter are derived from the large productions 
of the South and West, both of which contribute in a different 
degree to the Northern profits. The South has, however, been 
by far the most productive. As we have seen, its lands and 
slaves have risen annually in value, step by step with the rising 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 147 

value of their productions, and the resulting wealth is reflected 
in the magnificence of the North. 

•The North has been concentrating wealth and cheap labor, 
thus strengthening its position as manufacturer for the Union, 
and paving the way for the export of a large surplus of manu- 
factures, when the South and West shall have made further 
progress in supplying themselves. It has enjoyed the entire 
markets of the Union as a means, so to speak, of learning its 
trade. It has retained the whole carrying trade of the country 
for its shipping. It has received a bounty in high tariffs during 
its weakness, to defend it from importation, and it has gradu- 
ally acquired strength in experience, capital, and skill. It had 
before it a most brilliant future, but it has wantonly disturbed 
that future by encouraging the growth of a political party based 
wholly upon sectional aggression, — a party which proposes no 
issues of statesmanship for the benefit of the whole country ; it 
advances nothing of a domestic or foreign policy tending to 
national profit or protection, or to promote the general welfare 
in any way. It simply denounces the system of labor which 
has conferred such prosperity upon the North, as a " moral 
wrong." While it disavows any intention of interfering with 
servitude at the South, it encourages, in every possible way, all 
that tends to undermine it. It enters the common national 
dwelling, and scatters firebrands amid the most solemn protes- 
tations of harmless intentions. It claims the right to explode 
mines, without being answerable for the mischief that may re- 
sult. If questioned as to the object of such conduct, it replies, 
that it is one of its "inalienable rights" so to act, and that cer- 
tain persons who have combustible materials have had the ef- 
frontery to express fears of the consequences, and therefore it is 
the more bound to persist. It is for such reasoning as this that 
the North has for more than ten years constantly allowed itself 
to be irritated by incendiary speakers and writers, whose sole 
stock in trade is the unreasoning hate against the South that 
may be engendered by long-continued irritating misrepresenta- 

From time to time in the history of the country the attempt 
has been made to acquire party strength by stirring up slum- 
bering passions, and these attempts have always been made 
under the cloak of philanthropy. These attempts have gener- 
ally failed, but their repetition, with greater violence, from 
time to time, has warped the truth in relation to the real posi- 

14:8 Southern Wealth and No rt J hi) i Profits. 

tion of the Federal government in regard to the blacks, until 
the monstrous doctrine has acquired strength, that one species 
of property, recognized by the Federal Constitution, is without 
protection on Federal soil! Thus, the speech of William H. 
Seward, Esq., in the national Senate, on the 29th of February, 
laying down the platform of the party of which he is the chief, 
remarked : 

" The fathers authorized Congress to make all needful rules 
and regulations concerning the management and disposition of 
the public lands, and to admit new States. So the Constitu- 
tion, while it does not disturb or affect the system of capital 
in slaves, existing in any State under its own laws, does, at the 
same time, recognize every human being, when within any ex- 
clusive sphere of Federal jurisdiction, not as capital, but an a 

"What w r as the action of the fathers in Congress? They 
admitted the new States of the Southwest as capital States, 
because it was practically impossible to do otherwise, and by 
the ordinance of 1787, confirmed in 1789, they provided for 
the organization and admission of only labor States in the 
Northwest. They directed fugitives from service to be re- 
stored, not as chattels, but as persons. They awarded natural- 
ization to immigrant free laborers, and they prohibited the 
trade in African labor. This disposition of the whole subject 
was in harmony with the condition of society, and, in the main, 
with the spirit of the age. The seven Northern States content- 
edly became labor States by their own acts. The six Southern 
States with equal tranquillity, and by their own determination, 
remained capital States." 

We have italicized the lines which contain the erroneous 
assumption to which we have alluded. The spirit of the 
assertion therein contained is contradicted in the succeeding 
lines, which claims that Congress conferred slavery upon six 
States, and prohibited it in seven — in a part of which it had 
existed before the territory became the property of the Union. 
Since the only powers possessed by the Constitution are those 
especially delegated to it, the exercise of the power on the part 
of Congress to " confer" involves that of " exclusion." If it 
has power over any subject at all, it has the affirmative as well 
as the negative. It is, however, with the first assertion that 
we have now to deal, viz., that the Constitution recognizes 
blacks only as " persons." This assertion is contrary to both 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 149 

the law and the fact. At the time of the formation of the 
Federal Constitution, the law of nations recognized lawful 
property in African slaves throughout the civilized world. 
In this country, they had been so held in every part of it 
from its earliest settlement. No colony was without owners 
of black property, and none doubted the legality of the hold- 
ing. It was about that date that the agitators in England 
began to question the humanity of the negro, and to seek to 
raise him to the level of the white. With this experimental 
idea, necessarily was born the doubt of the right to hold him 
as property. England was then beginning that experiment in 
humanizing blacks that has ended so disastrously, and which so 
clearly demonstrates the fallacy of the theory of black equality. 
It was not surprising that the generous-hearted of our own 
statesmen should have adopted the seductive, but untried 
theory, and hesitate about the rightfulness of " holding prop- 
erty in man." Nevertheless, the fact of the property in negroes 
existed, and the Constitution was framed in the recognition of 
it. It has since been attempted to dispute whether the Con- 
stitution recognized the blacks as property, or as persons only. 
The generally received opinion, when the Constitution was 
adopted, was that it recognized blacks as "property" only. 
The ultra men of that day contended that the Constitution 
regarded them as something more than property, raising them 
to the level of " moral persons." Gradually ultra men denied 
that they are property at all under the Constitution. Mr. 
Seward and his party are of those who contend for the latter, 
thus reversing the judgment which w r as held by the men who 
made the Constitution. If we go back to the highest contem- 
poraneous authority, we find Mr. Jay, in the Federalist, states 
it as follows: 

" We must deny the fact that slaves are considered merely 
as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true 
state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, 
being considered by our laws in some respects as persons, and 
in other respects as property. In being compelled to labor, 
not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one 
master to another master; and in being subject at all times to 
be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body, by the 
capricious will of his owner; the slave may appear to be de- 
graded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational 

150 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. 
In being protected, on the other hand, in his life and in his 
limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his 
labor and his liberty; and in being punishable himself for all 
violence committed against others ; the slave is no less evi- 
dently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not 
as a part of the irrational creation ; as a moral person, not as 
a mere article of property. The Federal Constitution, there- 
fore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves, 
when it views them in the mixed character of persons and prop- 
erty. This is, in fact, their true character ; it is the character 
bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it 
will not be disputed that these are the proper criterion." 

This was the view of Mr. Jay in opposition to those who at 
that day contended that slaves were property merely. There 
is a long stride from that position to the present assertion of 
the "Black Bepublicans," that slaves are "persons merely.'''' 
The progress of this aggression upon the South and Southern 
rights in property is thus very clear. The Constitutional "prop- 
erty" view of the black position was not left to be a barren 
idea ; but under this view of " property" in blacks, Congress 
proceeded to act. A law was passed March 2, 1807, of which 
the 9th and 10th sections provide in substance as follows : 
" That the captain of any vessel of more than forty tons bur- 
den, sailing coastwise from one port of the United States to 
another, having on board persons of color, to be transported in 
order to be sold or disposed of as slaves, shall make out and 
subscribe duplicate manifests, describing those slaves, and 
shall, with the owner or master, swear that they are not held 
to service or labor contrary to any law of the United States, or 
of the State." 

The 9th section goes on to provide that the Collector 
shall thereupon grant a permit to the master, authorizing 
him to transport these slaves to the port where they are 
to be unladen, and forfeits any vessel departing without the 

Section 10th provides — "That the master of every vessel 
having on board persons of color, to sell or dispose of as 
slaves, shall, upon arriving at his port of destination, before 
unlading these persons, exhibit a copy of the manifest to the 
Collector." And the penalty for a refusal by the master of a 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 151 

ressel, laden as aforesaid, to deliver the manifest to the Collec- 
tor, is fixed at ten thousand dollars. 

The laws of the United States have thus lawfully placed the 
slave on board a vessel of the United States, — have provided 
m what manner he shall be lawfully embarked, — in what man- 
ner he shall be landed at the port of destination, — regulating 
the trade altogether in the manner of " property," and that on 
the high seas under the national flag. 

The object of the law thus regulating the transportation of 
black property, had special reference to the safety of that 
property in positions where it might be imperilled, viz., on the 
high seas, out of the jurisdiction of the State, but under the 
national flag. The idea had, probably, not then been broached, 
that the property of American citizens could be imperilled on 
the soil of the common country, by persons, who, having aban- 
doned their own similar "property," might seek to destroy that 
of their neighbors. 

We find, in a contemporaneous history, a debate which took 
place Jan. 2, 1799, during the administration of John Adams, 
and which throws some light on the views of Northern 
legislators of that day upon the same subject. On the day 
mentioned, Mr. Wain, of Philadelphia, presented a petition, 
praying for " a revision of the laws of the United States rela- 
tive to the slave-trade ; of the act relative to fugitives from 
justice ; and for the adoption of such measures as should in 
due time emancipate the whole of their brethren from their 
disagreeable situation." 

Mr. Rutledge opposed the petition. " The gentlemen," said 
he, " who formerly used to advocate liberty, have retreated from 
their post, and committed the important trust to the care of 
" black patriots ;" they tell the house they are in slavery : thank 
God they are. They say they are not represented : certainly 
they are not ; and I trust the day will never arrive when the 
Congress of the United States will display a parti-colored as- 
sembly. Too much of this new-fangled French philosophy of 
liberty and equality has found its way among these gentlemen 
of our plantations, for which nothing will do but liberty." 

" Harrison G. Otis, of Massachusetts, brought forward his 
usual eloquence on this occasion. He said that though he pos- 
sessed no slaves, he saw no reason why others might not ; and 
that the proprietors of them were the fittest persons, and not 
Congress, to regulate that species of property." 

152 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Mr. Thatcher, to the surprise <>f many, differed from his 
countryman, and thought the petitions for black men deserved 
equal consideration with those for whites.'' 

" Mr. Brown, of Rhode Island, argued that the petition was 
but the contrivance of a combination of Jacobins, who had 
troubled Congress for many years past, and he feared never 
would cease. He begged, therefore, that the gentleman who 
put the petition on the table, might be desired to take it back 
again. He was truly sorry to see such a dangerous paper sup- 
ported by such a worthy member of the House, and good Fed- 
eralist, as Mr. Thatcher." 

This incident is curious, since it shows that the " Black Pa- 
triots" of 1799 — a " combination of Jacobins," who " never 
would cease troubling Congress" — are the Black Republicans 
of the present day, still troubling it. While Mr. Thatcher, " a 
good Federalist," was the only one advocating the "troubling," 
Mr. Harrison Gray Otis referred the " property" to its " pro- 
prietors." The " Federalist" party, of which Mr. Thatcher was 
a "good one," also passed, in the Massachusetts Legislature, 
the resolution to " dissolve the Union," if Louisiana should 
be annexed. That party has "dissolved" on the occasion of 
every new Slave State added to the Union since the annexa- 
tion, no matter M*hat " name" the party may have assumed for 
the moment. The free-territory question has ever been re- 
vived when it was thought useful to " defeat the Democrats," 
which seems to have been its leading principle on all occa- 
sions, and at the present moment its " sole" principle. 

John Adams was a shoemaker in Braintree, Mass. When 
out of his time he studied law, on the advice of his uncle, a 
schoolmaster. He became, after the Revolution, the leader of 
the monarchal party, and his leading idea was " hereditary 
rulers ;" and through his influence the alien and sedition laws 
were enacted. The former gave the executive absolute power 
over foreigners who arrived, and they were imprisoned and 
expelled for no reason but the will of the executive. The law 
of Congress in relation to the importation of such persons as 
any other States chose to admit until 1808, was held to apply 
onhy to negroes ; hence the alien law, originated by that 
founder of the party now known as the Black Republican 
party, was allowed to operate against whites. 

There was but one idea at that time in the country. All the 
States of the Union, the Federal Constitution, the laws of Con- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 153 

gress, the popular mind, and the theories of legislators, all 
acknowledged property in slaves, and, as an inevitable conse- 
quence, that the "property" was as much entitled to protection 
under the national flag, or on the federal soil, as any other 
possession. The slave-owner, w T ith his property embarked 
upon the high seas, had, by express statute, the national flag, 
as an segis, thrown around him, to protect him from both the 
foreign and domestic assailant ; and yet we are told that if he 
walked forth on the open prairie — on the national soil, owned 
by the common government and regulated by its laws — that 
he was therein without recognition, and without protection ; 
that his property is the prey of the spoiler ; his civil rights 
lost in the mire of free-soilism, and his complaints the derision 
of those who there hold other property under laws that are 
nugatory for him ! The doctrine is monstrous, and born only 
of a desperate party faction, which seeks power by any means, 
no matter how dangerous, disreputable, or deceitful. The ter- 
ritories of the government are said not to be States, but be- 
come so only when a sufficient number of persons shall have 
settled to entitle them to admission. The first settlers, it is 
said, carry into a new territory the laws of the States they 
have left, and their affairs are so governed until a territorial 
Legislature shall have devised laws that are subject to the re- 
vision of Congress. It is, then, very clear that settlers upon 
new territory — not being in any State, but having one before 
them in the future — are in their passage from one State to 
another, and slave property is under the special protection of 
Congress in such circumstances. If, when the new r State shall 
have been formed, a majority abolish slavery in the exercise 
of State sovereignty, as the Northern States have done, the loss 
will fall upon the owner, he having passed without the pro- 
tecting influence of the Federal laws. 

That protection to Southern " property," recognized in the 
Constitution as such, when on Federal soil outside of the States, 
is the only offset that the South possesses to the special advan- 
tages conferred on Northern interests and industry during 70 
years past. The fisheries of the North, as we have seen, re- 
ceived nearly $13,000,000 hard casli — two-thirds paid to Mas- 
sachusetts. The Northern manufactures have been protected 
by a duty which has laid all Southern consumers of Northern 
goods under tribute to the manufacturers, and Northern ship- 
ping has had a monopoly of carrying, by virtue of laws which 

154 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

exclude foreign ships from the coasting trade. In return for 
those special advantages, all the •South has claimed is the con- 
stitutional protection to her property under the national flag, 
and that has been denied. With these facts patent to the world, 
Mr. Seward, in his late speech, had the effrontery to ask : 

" What are the excuses for these menaces ? They resolve 
themselves into this, That the Republican party in the North 
is hostile to the South. But it already is proved to be a ma- 
jority in the North ; it is, therefore, practically the people of 
the North. Will it not still be the same North that has for- 
borne with you so long, and conceded to you so much? Can 
you justly assume that affection, which has been so complying, 
can all at once change to hatred, intense and inexorable ?" 

Truly, a forbearing and conceding party that has been ! In 
the same sense, the speaker denied that the party is sectional. 
In his view of it, it certainly is not. If the Republicans can 
have the whole, and govern the whole, they go in for the 
whole ; — there is no " sectionality" in that. If they cannot 
have the whole, they will ruin the whole ; and no one will 
perceive sectionality in that. 

The Constitution also provides that slaves who escape into 
other States u shall, in consequence of no laws or regulations 
therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be 
delivered up." Pursuant to this, a fugitive-slave law was one 
of the first passed by Congress, and its operation was con- 
tinued down to the adoption, by the " old Federalist party," 
of the English anti-slavery sentiments, on the strength of which 
they have become the " Black Republican" party. By this 
party, armed resistance was offered to the execution of the 
Federal law, affording an illustration of the following clause 
from Washington's Farewell Address : 

" The Constitution, which at any time exists till changed by 
an explicit and authentic act of the whole pe.ople, is sacredly 
obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right 
of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of 
of every individual to obey the established government. 

"All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all combina- 
tions and associations, under whatever plausible character, with 
the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regu- 
lar deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are 
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal ten- 
dency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 155 

and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated 
will of the nation the will of a party, often a small bnt artful 
and enterprising minority of the community ; and, according 
to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the pub- 
lic administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon- 
gruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent 
and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modi- 
fied by mutual interests. 

" However combinations or associations of the above de- 
scription may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent 
engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men 
will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to 
usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying, 
afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust 

The clear rays of Washington's sagacity thus, at a distance 
of 54 years, accurately photographed the " Black Republican" 
party. There is nothing wanting but to add the names of 
Seward, Sumner, and Smith, to John Brown, Beecher, and 
Brotherhood, to make it perfect. The party that these persons 
represent and illustrate is, on its face, a bald sham. It pro- 
fesses to respect the rights of sovereign States, and to have no 
intention of interfering with the institution of slavery within 
them. The chief of the party, in his recent speech in the 
National Senate, stated : 

"The choice of the nation is now between the Democratic 
party and the Republican party. Its principles and policy are, 
therefore, justly and even necessarily examined. I know of 
only one policy which it has adopted or avowed, namely, the 
saving of the Territories of the United States, if possible, by 
constitutional and lawful means, from being homes for slavery 
and polygamy." 

This "one policy adopted" is, it appears, to save Territories 
from the institution of slavery. The last word in the quotation 
indicates the late mission of Mr. Seward's editor to Utah. In 
relation to the States the speaker remarked : 

"But we do not seek to force, or even to intrude, our system 
on you. We are excluded justly, wisely, and contentedly from 
all political power and responsibility in your capital States. 
You are sovereigns on the subject of slavery within your own 
borders, as we are on the same subject within our borders. It 

156 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

is well and wisely so arranged. Use yonr authority to main- 
tain what system you please. We are not distrustful of the re- 
sult. We have wisely, as we think, exercised ours to protect 
and perfect the manhood of the members of the State. The 
whole sovereignty upon domestic concerns within the Union is 
divided between us by unmistakable boundaries. You have 
your fifteen distinct parts; we eighteen parts, equally distinct. 
Each must be maintained in order that the whole may be pre- 
served. If ours shall be assailed, within or without, by any 
enemy, or for any cause, and we shall have need, we shall ex- 
pect you to defend it. If yours shall be so assailed, in the 
emergency, no matter what the cause or the pretext, or who 
the foe, we shall defend your sovereignty as the equivalent of 
our own. We cannot, indeed, accept your system of capital or 
its ethics. That would be to surrender and subvert our own, 
which we esteem to be better. Besides, if we could, what need 
for any division into States at all ? You are equally at liberty 
to reject our system and its ethics, and to maintain the superi- 
ority of your own by all the forces of persuasion and argument. 
We must, indeed, mutually discuss both systems. All the 
world discusses all systems. Especially must we discuss them, 
since we have to decide as a nation which of the two we ought 
to ingraft on the new and future States growing up in the great 
public domain. Discussion, then, being unavoidable, what 
could be more wise than to conduct it with mutual toleration 
and in a fraternal spirit?" 

The question of slavery in Territories settles itself according 
to the adaptation of the soil to slave-labor. This is not a mat- 
ter of sentiment, or surmise, it is simply a matter of experience 
and history. The whole of the Northern Free States were once 
"the homes of slavery." They all possessed that "property," 
and they all gradually abandoned it as of no practical value. 
This process is now going oil in the Northern Slave States. We 
have seen in the table, page 120, that the free negroes in Dela- 
ware were as 1 to 2 of the slaves in 1790, and as 9 to 1 in 1850. 
In Maryland the free blacks were to the slaves, in 1790, as 1 to 
13 ; and in 1850 they were as 1 to 1£. In Virginia they rose 
from 1 to 20 to 1 to 8£. Nine States holding slaves in 1709 abol- 
ished the institution within 30 years of that date. The reason for 
doing so was not philanthropic nor yet political, but simply a mat- 
ter of dollars and cents. Slave-labor in that region was not worth 
having. This economical principle it is which governs slavery 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 157 

in the Territories. Slavery will not go on to any of the present 
unappropriated Territory of the nation, for the reason that it 
would not be profitable to go there. If it should do so it would 
be certain to lose. Because the future States would abolish 
the institution on account of its inutility ; and would, like Ohio, 
Illinois, Indiana, and Minnesota, forbid blacks from coming in 
at all, either bond or free. These are fixed and well-known 
principles ; and when a party of political hucksters profess only 
" one policy," that of keeping slavery out by virtue of their 
acts, they profess only a bald sham, which is an insult to the 
intelligence of the people whose votes they seek. As well 
might a party of political traders point to the influx and efflux 
of the tide, and pretend that their efforts alone prevent the 
farm-lands of the Atlantic from being drowned at each recur- 
ring flood. Barefaced as would be such an assumption, it is 
not more baseless than the pretence that Kansas was " saved 
to freedom" by Brown and Beecher. There is no man of in- 
telligence who does not know that if Kansas had been made 
a Slave State, and any number of slaves had been carried 
into it, that a very short time only would elapse before those 
slaves would have been emancipated by State laws, and conse- 
quently "freedom" would have gained instead of losing. If, 
then, we are to believe the assertion of the Black Republican 
leader, the " one policy" only " of which he knows" is a gross 
deception. It has no practical force or meaning beyond its 
use, as a means of irritating the popular mind, in order to turn 
votes to the party, on the strength of that exasperation ; yet he 
denominates this sham "the great national issue between free 
labor and capital labor for the territories," that parties are 
" conducting to its proper solution." 

Notwithstanding these disclaimers of the leader in the part 
of " moderator," seeking to retain those partisans who see 
more danger than profit in the gratuitous agitation of this de- 
ceptive issue, the active partisans are earnest in their deifica- 
tions of John Brown, and virulent in their hatred of the South. 
Mr. Seward himself seems to have been as unfortunate in his 
partnership with John Brown as he was with the Auburn rum- 
seller during the Temperance campaign in Xew York. In the 
latter case he put $2000 capital into partnership to sell "paints, 
oils," &c, but his zealous, money-making "young partner" 
construed the "&c." into champagne and "fine old brandies." 
Mr. Seward, in his published apology, elicited by public sur- 

158 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

prise, stated that he had been overreached by his partner in 
drawing the papers, and could not now help himself. History 
does not record whether he pocketed the profits on the cham- 
pagne and brandies, but the chances are that he did. The 
North Carolina teacher, and shrewd New York lawyer and 
apostle of temperance, was turned into a rumseller by the will 
of a journeyman painter. In the Free-soil business he was not 
more fortunate. He went into business with John Brown, to 
deal in freedom, &c, in Kansas. John Brown, however, hav- 
ing got possession of his stock in trade, construed the " &c." 
into invading Virginia, to rob and slaughter the whites, and 
stampede the negroes. Mr. Seward is again in a dilemma with 
his " young partner." John Brown's strong doctrine is as ob- 
jectionable as the Auburn partner's strong drink, and he is 
compelled to repudiate John Brown to satisfy the temperate 
people, although the partnership continues by contract, and the 
profits will accrue in due time to the poor, victimized " sleep- 
ing partner." 

The system of irritation against the South has long been a 
staple for Eastern agitation. Under the laws of the United 
States blacks are not citizens. It is only of late years that the 
attempt has been made to enforce that attribute of citizenship 
upon them. The Western States, on their formation, nearly all 
of them as we have seen, enacted laws excluding blacks from 
their territories, and their right to do so has never been dis- 
puted, although, as citizens, the blacks could not legally have 
been excluded. The Southern States have done the same thing 
in many cases, and the coast States, where vessels navigate be- 
tween the North and the South, found it necessary to restrain 
such free blacks as came from the North in the capacity of sea- 
men, while in Southern ports. Thus, under the law passed by 
Ohio, a vessel from Buffalo with a free negro in it, would be 
subjected to $500 fine, and other punishment. A vessel arriv- 
ing at Charleston, S. C, from Boston, with a free negro in it, 
would only be required to restrain the negro of his liberty until 
the vessel sailed. 

The Free State law was much more severe than the Slave 
State law, and neither treated the black as a citizen. Massa- 
chusetts, however, never took any notice of the conduct of the 
Western States, but picked a quarrel with South Carolina be- 
cause they restrained a " Massachusetts citizen" of his liberty. 
Every art was used in Boston to inflame the public mind 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 1.59 

against the "infamous" conduct of South Carolina, and Mr. 
Hoar was sent thither as a commissioner from Massachusetts, to 
bully South Carolina into repealing their laws, without success. 
The United States courts have long decided that blacks are not 
citizens, and it was as well known before Mr. Hoar's mission as 
afterwards. The effect was, however, to sustain excitement for 
party purposes, and with success. Mr. Sumner owes his polit- 
ical rise simply to those factious irritations, and it was to 
pander to those puerile and baseless passions, causelessly ex- 
cited, that he made that famous speech, defamatory of South 
Carolina, which drew on him the wrath of Preston Brooks. 
The people of South Carolina no more enacted those laws for 
regulating the blacks out of hostility to Massachusetts, than 
Illinois and Indiana did when they enacted more severe laws 
of the same nature. She exercised her sovereign right of regu- 
lating her affairs in her own way, and the attempt of Massachu- 
setts to coerce her into relinquishing her sovereign rights may 
be taken, possibly, for one of those concessions and forbearances 
which the "Black Republican" leader boasts of in the national 
Senate. A party that rests only on the fruition of such animosi- 
ties, so industriously sown among different classes of the peo- 
ple during so many years, and avowing but "one policy," which 
is to concentrate these animosities on so transparent a flam as 
the saving territory to freedom by law, can have but one real 
object, that is, official spoils, at all and every hazard. 

It is not alone the unfavorable nature of territorial soil which 
checks that expansion of black labor, because there are now 
vast tracts of lands in Slave States altogether unoccupied. It 
is that the black force is altogether inadequate to the work be- 
fore it. The civilized world is pressing upon that small force 
of blacks with an ever-increasing demand for that material 
which they alone can produce. Under that demand the price 
of the product rises, and the value of the hand swells annually 
in amount. As a consequence every straggler is turned into 
the fields, to add ten more bales to the annual crop. If we 
turn back to the chapter on the cotton culture we find the fol- 
lowing facts : 

Crop, bales. No. slaves. Slaves per bale. 

1800 35,ooo 857, oq5 2 4 

1820 509, i58 i,524,58o 3 

i83o 870.415 2,005,471 2'/i 

1840 2,177,532 2.486.226 i'/g 

i85o 2,796,796 3,2o4.o5i i'/ 9 

i860 4,5oo,ooo 4,000,000 "Yio 

lt»0 S 'them Wealth and Northern Profits. 

Thus the demand for cotton has gone on to increase from 
one bale tor 24 black-, to 26 bale- for 24 blacks, and the price 
rises on this demand. The concentration of hands upon that 
labor is immense. In all directions of the South the hands are 
moving to a common point — the cotton-fields. In a recent 
publication by John C. Abbott. Esq.. describing a voyage from 
Cuba, through Xew Orleans to New York, he remarks : 

•• When the De Soto was made fast to the levee, the wide and 
extended plateau was thronged with laborers, but they were 
nearly all Germans or Irish. Rarely could I see a dark skin. 
It was the same in the streets as we drove through them. 
U] od speaking of this to a very intelligent gentleman, he ob- 
served that the slaves were becoming so exceedingly profitable 
npon the plantations that large numbers had been sold from 
the city for that purpose."' 

It is not the cotton alone that demands the slave-labor, but 
sugar, tobacco, and other interests require growing numbers -i* 
hands, for which there is no source of supply but natural in- 
crease. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that the blacks 
should be taken from the non-productive employments of the 
cities, and made to furnish the present profitable productions. 
The Xorth exhibits a contrast to this — while the cities are over- 
run with poor who find no employment, the West is destitute 
of hands for harvest. It is in vain that the papers preach to 
the •• free laborers'' the importance and benefits of farm labor. 
They cling to the cities, crowd tenement houses, and raise 
numbers of pauper children, which in Xew York, to some ex- 
tent, are collected in benevolent institutions, sent West, and 
•and out"' to farmers for some years. Thus, on a small 
scale goes on at the Xorth what is found so generally necessary 
at the South. 

The concentration of the blacks upon plantations leaves a 
vacancy in the cities that is now being supplied, to some extent, 
with Irish and Germans. It is obvious, however, that with the 
rising value of the black hands, and the necessity of their con- 
tinued industry, under the imperative demands of the civilized 
world, that there is little room for the occupation of new States, 
least of all such as those of Kansas, and others not adapted to 
the cotton culture. It may probably require three times the 
number of hands that now exist to cultivate the available cot- 
ton lands in the present States, and this supply, at the rate of 
progress now going on, will not be reached in 70 years, by nat- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 161 

ural means, while the demand upon them for produce will, in 
all probability, grow faster than their own numbers. In other 

-. their value will con tin u_ " - 

no chance of extended removals to ne" - It is trne, at 

this moment a considerable removal is going on from Florida 
to the cotton lands of the valley ; but it is not important in a 
general view. The migration that took place formerly into new 
lands was when the employment of blacks was not so p: 
ble as now, and the richer lands of the Mississippi at: 
greater inducements. That will not be repeated, since the 
richest lands are occupied, and lack of hands only prev-: 
more extended cultivation of them. These general facts e 
conclusively how absurd it is to pretend that the planters, with 
their blacks so lucrativ ;. would abandon the- 

ions to migrate into a new Stal re there are :. 

ton lands, and which are not adapted to slave labor, for th 
purpose of an ephemeral rei s> n of slavery under the pro- 
spective State laws. \ei this is the t turn held up by the 
Black Republican agit . rs, to bias the popular mind. This 
puerile chimera is the " one policy" for which the Xorth is 
driven to forego its pos fits, and prosperity. I: is 
goaded by specious falseh - - rust and hatred of the 
South, which asks simply to have its independent rights re- 
spected, while it supplies materials, business, and wealth to the 

Among the great privileges that t. - has enjoyed al I 

expense of the South has been the operation of the pro" 
tariff revenues. The South, with the full knowledj 
injnrions operation, consented to their impos :n purely 

tic motives, as a sacrifice laid upon the national altar. It 
has ever been watchful of the progress f the Un :.. and al:er- 
nately leaned to the side of the Federation when it was too 
weak, and to that of tin Stal - when it was : sb _. The 
Constitution of the Federal States provided that the Federal 
Government, while it had the r ght : levy direct tax tr- 
ail the property of the country for its own use, also 
upon it the exclusive r:_.: I levy taxes upon imports. 
right has been the surest bond of union. The taxes laid under 
it were originally for revenue purposes only. The manufac- 
tures of the country were unimportant, and Xew England 
interests being commercial, free trade was the rule, and very 
low duties were imposed. It followed, as a matter of c 


162 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

that that resource of revenue failed altogether in times of 
embargo and war, while these circumstances gave an impulse 
to manufactures. At the peace of 1815, the government was 
$120,000,000 in debt; its revenues were small ; its credit not 
great, and the effort to raise money by direct taxation brought 
it in conflict with the States in many respects. Instead of em- 
ploying its own tax-gatherers, it apportioned the amount upon 
the States, and it was then at their mercy to pay or not ; there 
were no means of enforcing payment. In this state of affairs 
the government became very weak, and was in danger of fall- 
ing to pieces. It was then that Mr. Calhoun came forward 
and devised a tariff, which not only gave large revenues to the 
government, making it independent of the States, and enabling 
it to pay off its debt — $10,000,000 per annum — but gave great 
protection to manufactures. He devised what was called the 
minimum system, by which merchandise was to pay ad valorem 
down to a certain point, below which the duty should not fall. 
Thus, cottons were to pay 20 per cent, duty as long as the duty 
amounted to more than six cents per yard; but the duty was 
not to be less than six cents. This was the great boon to New 
England (which repaid South Carolina subsequently by pick- 
ing a quarrel with her on the negro question) manufacturers, 
as well as a great and indispensable aid to the Federal govern- 
ment, but a great sacrifice to the South, where the consumers 
of goods were to pay the duty — nevertheless, it was a tribute to 
patriotism ; but Mr. Seward numbers it among the " conces- 
sions" of the North to the South. Mr. Calhoun received un- 
measured abuse for his pains from the North, where the interests 
were then navigation, and Daniel Webster was the great apostle 
of free trade. A very few years served to make those two 
statesmen change places. Under Mr. Calhoun's tariff, the New 
England manufacturers prospered rapidly ; that interest came 
to predominate over the commercial interest, and became 
clamorous for more protection. Daniel Webster accordingly 
became a protectionist in 1824, and the tariff was raised. 
Success stimulated cupidity, and the "black tariff" of 1828 
marked the growth of abuse. The power of the Eastern man- 
ufacturers had become prodigious ; the Federal debt was nearly 
paid off ; the finances redundant, and power was rapidly con- 
centrated at the expense of the States. The tendency of the 
Federation, which had been centrifugal in 1815, had become 
alarmingly centripetal in 1830. It was then that Mr. Calhoun 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 163 

again stepped forth. He stated that the South had cheerfully 
paid the enormous burden of duties on imports when Northern 
manufacturers were young, and the government weak ; they 
had continued to pay them sixteen years ; the manufacturers 
had become rich, the government strong — so strong that State 
rights were being merged into its overshadowing power ; he 
therefore demanded a recognition of State rights, and an 
amelioration of those burdens that the South had so long 
borne. To the gallant resistance of South Carolina, under 
his lead, the country owes the compromise tariff of 1832 by 
Henry Clay. It was thus that Mr. Calhoun supported the 
government when it was too weak, and opposed it when it was 
too strong. 

The manufactures at the North had become firmly estab- 
lished under the high duties, and did not flourish the less 
under the reduction, the more so that prices rose steadily 
under the financial inflation of the country. By the com- 
promise of Mr. Clay, the duties were to undergo biennial 
reduction, until a common level of 20 per cent, should be 
reached on all goods in 1842. Before that year financial 
revulsion made more revenue necessary for the welfare of 
the Union, and the South again assented to an increase in 
import duties, making another of Mr. Seward's " concessions 
of the South." 

The idea of " concessions" to the South, seems to have been 
born of a most extraordinary degree of effrontery on the part 
of political agitators. As we have seen, from universal slave 
owning and slave trading, with a general recognition of blacks 
as " property," and property only, there has been a gradual ag- 
gression upon that institution. The blacks were first claimed 
as persons as well as property, then as persons only, then as 
citizens of a State, and finally as citizens of the United States. 
Their condition of slavery was gradually abolished at the 
North, within the States that owned them, and then their pres- 
ence on the common soil of the Union was denied, and the 
abolition of the institution at the seat of the Federal Govern- 
ment was clamored for. All the territory is now claimed as 
exempt from slavery, and the abolition of slavery by force in 
the States where it has always existed, is so far favored by a 
class, as to require the most earnest denials from the leaders of 
the Republican party that it is part of their platform. In face 
of this denial, however, the writers of the party favor the meas- 

104: Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

ure, and applaud the overt acts of the John Browns among 
zealous adherents. While "ideas" have been thus increasing, 
by aggression upon Southern rights the political power of the 
South has been greatly curtailed, and that process of curtail- 
ment is now going on in the double ratio of the expansion of 
the Free States and the concentration of the Slave States, as 
a consequence of the enhanced value of the blacks. Every ag- 
gression made upon Southern rights and equality before the 
law, has been accompanied by louder pretences of " conces- 
sions" to the South. The mere existence of the present party, 
based upon hostility to the institutions of that section, is an ir- 
refragable proof of the extent to which Northern aggresssion 
is carried. The extent to which partisan feeling has been 
carried, manifests itself in the attempts that have been made 
to deprive new States of some of those sovereign rights which 
were reserved to the States on the formation of the govern- 
ment. Thus, the power over slavery was distinctly reserved to 
the several States, each within its own territory. Any State 
had the power to abolish or continue, or establish slavery at its 
own will and pleasure, and the Northern States generally ex- 
ercised the right to abolish. When Missouri presented herself 
for admission into the Union, party spirit, running very high, 
sought to deprive her of that sovereign right enjoyed by all 
other States, and to admit her only as a vassal to the old States, 
by compelling her to forego her right to slavery. That was a 
long stride towards consolidation of power in the Federal Gov- 
ernment. All the parties to the Constitution were free and in- 
dependent ; each enjoyed full sovereignty, except in regard to 
those powers delegated to the government formed by the Con- 
stitution. 'The government was a sort of joint-stock company, 
into which political capital was contributed by each State, and 
it possessed no more capital, or power, than had been so con- 
tributed. / When a new State presented itself for admission, a 
new partner to the concern, it was required to throw away one 
of its political powers, without conferring it upon the Federal 
Government. The Constitution says, " all powers not conferred 
upon the Federal Government are reserved to the States." 
Missouri was required to forego its sovereignty over slavery, 
and, by so doing, become inferior in sovereign powers to the 
other States. That act of abnegation would not, however, con- 
fer the abandoned power upon the Federal Government. It 
would make the State weaker, and the Federation no stronger. 

Southern Wealth mid Northern Profits. 105 

This attempt was resisted, and abandoned, and the abandon- 
ment was called a " concession" to the South. If Congress had 
a right to call upon one new State to forfeit a reserved power 
in respect of slavery, it might demand the abandonment of 
any other, and new States might thus be stripped of all re- 
served powers. 

The mode of Northern " concession" shows itself in the dis- 
position of the Territory of Louisiana, on the occasion of the 
admission of Missouri into the Union. That territory was all 
slave territory. The North demanded a division of it, so that 
the northern half should become free. The South assented. 
New territory being afterwards acquired, the South proposed 
a division again, and the North refused the South any share of 
it. This is called a " concession" of the North. 

While the institution of the South has been thus pressed by 
Northern agitators, it was necessary that they should set up 
some pretence to account for the manifest injustice of their 
course. Accordingly, we find the leader of the Black Repub- 
lican party framing the following theory : 

" In the field of federal politics, slavery, deriving unlooked- 
for advantages from commercial changes, and energies unfor- 
seen from the facilities of combination between members of 
the slaveholding class, and between that class and other prop- 
erty classes, early rallied, and has at length made a stand, not 
merely to retain its original defensive position, but to extend its 
sway throughout the whole Union. It is certain that the slave- 
holding class of American citizens indulge this high ambition, 
and that they derive encouragement for it from the rapid and 
effective political successes which they have already obtained. 
The plan of operation is this: By continued appliances of pat- 
ronage, and threats of disunion, they will keep a majority favor- 
able to these designs in the Senate, where each State has an 
equal representation. Through that majority they will defeat, 
as they best can, the admission of Free States, and secure the 
admission of Slave States. Under the protection of the Judi- 
ciary, they will, on the principle of the Dred Scott case, carry 
slavery into all the territories of the United States now existing 
and hereafter to be organized. By the action of the President 
and the Senate, using the treaty-making power, they will annex 
foreign slaveholding States. In a favorable conjuncture they 
will induce Congress to repeal the act of 1808, which prohibits 
the foreign slave-trade, and so they will import from Africa, at 

166 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

the cost of only $20 a head, slaves enough to fill up the interior 
of the continent. Thus, relatively increasing the number of 
Slave States, they will allow no amendment to the Constitution 
prejudicial to their interest; and so, having permanently es- 
tablished their power, they expect the Federal Judiciary to 
nullify all State laws which shall interfere with internal or 
foreign commerce in slaves. When the Free States shall be 
sufficiently demoralized to tolerate these designs, they reasona- 
bly conclude that slavery will be accepted by those States 

The reader might laugh at the barefaced effrontery that put 
such statements as these before an assemblage of men accus- 
tomed to think for themselves, if it were not for the gravity of 
the designs disguised under them. AVe have seen how rapidly 
Free States have been admitted, while every Slave State en- 
countered fierce opposition at the threshold, until the latter 
have fallen into a hopeless minority. The world knows that 
slavery goes only where it is profitable, yet we are told that 
the owners will carry slaves where they will be valueless. 
We are told that the owners of blacks worth $2000 each will 
degrade the value to $20, for the purpose of sending them 
where they will be of no value ; and finally, that the States 
which have already possessed and abolished slavery as of no 
value, will be induced to resume it! Such is the fog raised in 
order to cloak the treasonable aggression which is meditated. 
The idea of importing, at $20 per head, slaves enough to fill 
up the interior of the continent, is certainly a great stretch of 
a very sanguine imagination, and one attractive to ship-owners. 
The above remarks were made by Mr. Seward at Rochester, 
Oct. 25, 1858. In the same speech he announced the " irre- 
pressible conflict," That announcement we may compare with 
a paragraph in his speech in the United States Senate, Feb. 29, 

February, 18G0. 
"The whole sovereignty upon do- 
mestic, concerns within the Union is 
divided between us by unmistakable 
boundaries;"' "you have your fifteen 
distinct parts; we eighteen parts, 
equally distinct. Each mu>tbe main- 
tained, in order that the whole may 
be preserved." 

There is a very remarkable change in the views here enter- 

October, 1858. 

It is an irrepressible conflict be- 
tween opposing and enduring forces, 
and it means that the United States 
must and will, sooner or later, be- 
come either entirely a slaveholding 
nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 167 

The great question that now agitates the old world is the 
supply of labor for the colonies. The fact is rapidly develop- 
ing itself, that future commerce, if it increase at all, must de- 
pend, not on the exchange of goods between manufacturing 
nations, but on the exchange of goods by manufacturing na- 
tions with those which produce raw materials and tropical 
products. Coffee, sugar, cotton, cocoa, which are articles of trop- 
ical production, have become very necessary for the comfort of 
the inhabitants of temperate climates and manufacturing coun- 
tries. These articles have hitherto been produced by slave- 
labor. The operation of production was disturbed by the ex- 
periment of emancipation. At the moment the demand for 
those articles was receiving its greatest development, the pro- 
duction was stopped by the emancipation of the cultivators. 
This was done because it was firmly believed that the free 
black would work. That belief was erroneous. The utmost 
efforts have since been made to " supply labor." For this pur- 
pose the Coolie trade has been mostly resorted to ; but, con- 
ducted under a system more atrocious than the African slave- 
trade, it is quite inadequate to the object. It has succeeded, 
in the British West India Islands, only in maintaining a certain 
extent of production. In the Mauritius, the facilities for pro- 
curing Coolies have been great, and 142,534 are there em- 
ployed, but the supply is quite insufficient. This is the case 
to a much greater extent in the West Indies, where the dis- 
tance of transport increases the difficulty. England has ob- 
tained but about 50,000 Coolies for her colonies, and the supply 
drags. She has used every effort to increase the supply of 
blacks, and to do so, sends to the plantations the slaves she 
captures from other nations. The numbers, however, increase 
but slowly, and the stimulus of will to work is wanting. 

The future of commerce is therefore clouded by the prospect 
that the tropical materials and products, which must compose 
the equivalents for goods sold, will not be forthcoming, and 
the civilized white people of Europe, while they will have no 
market for their goods, will be deprived of those articles which 
they have come to consider as necessary. A bountiful Provi- 
dence has endowed those sunny climes with a soil of the utmost 
fertility, and has created beings whose constitutions arc adapted 
to its development. He has not endowed them with intelli- 
gence, but they remain in their native Africa to-day what they 
were at the date of the deluge, an unprogressive and savage 

■ 168 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

race of cannibals. The white litis emerged from the pastoral 
state, and risen gradually to the highest developmenl of the 
human intellect. Providence has not endowed liim with the 
physical capacity to develop the riches of those tropical climes. 
It has endowed him, however, with the intelligence to appre- 
ciate them, and has pointed out to him the means of making 
them subservient, not only to the white, but to all other races 
of men. The African, a docile and capable worker, was placed 
in his hands. He educated him in the path of industry, made 
him useful to humanity, turned him from the worship of idols 
to the knowledge of the true God, and raised him from the 
grade of an animal to the semblance of manhood. The 4,000,000 
blacks and their descendants now in the United States, have 
been raised from the cannibal and troglodyte state to a con- 
dition far above that of many white men. This has not been 
done by their own volition, but through the instrumentality of 
the slave-trade, ministering to the wants of humanity under 
the direction of Divine Providence. The system of slavery, 
and the condition of the slave — moral, religious, and physical — 
is continually on the advance in the United States, but that 
advance is due only to the rigorous law of industry, which 
must be compelled by white intellect. To say that the con- 
dition of black servitude is wrong, because some vices and 
evils attend it, is to condemn humanity and the whole scale of 
creation, for no part of it is without what appears to feeble 
human observation as exceptionable. That the black is a de- 
pendent race, to be taken care of, was never doubted at the 
date of the formation of the government. The experiment of 
making labor optional with them has been made, and has 
failed. The United States, except Spain, are the only nation 
that has not made this fatal mistake. France and England 
are now fearful that she may. They acknowledge their mis- 
take. They are incumbered with pauper blacks, and are doubt- 
ful of the future. The course of the United States upon this 
matter was clearly put by Charles O'Conor, Esq., in his ad- 
dress at the Union Meeting, New York, Dec. 19, 1859 : 

" As a white nation, we made our Constitution and laws, 
vesting all political rights in that race. They, and they alone, 
constituted, in every political sense, the American people. 
(Applause.) As to the negro, why, we allowed him to live 
under the shadow and protection of our laws. We gave him, 
as we were bound to give him, protection against wrong and 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 169 

outrage; but we denied to him political rights, or the power 
to govern. We left him, for so long a period as the commu- 
nity in which he dwelt should so order, in the condition of a 
bondman. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, to that condition 
the negro is assigned by nature. Experience shows that his 
race cannot prosper — that they become extinct in any cold, or 
in any very temperate clime ; but in the warm, the extremely 
warm regions, his race can be perpetuated, and with proper 
guardianship, may prosper. He has ample strength, and is 
competent to labor, but nature denies to him either the intel- 
lect to govern or the willingness to work. Both were denied 
him. That same power which deprived him of the will to 
labor, gave him, in our country, as a recompense, a master to 
coerce that duty, and convert him into a useful and valuable 
servant. (Applause.) I maintain that it is not injustice to 
leave the negro in the condition in which nature placed him, 
and for which alone he is adapted. Fitted only for a state of 
pupilage, our slave system gives him a master to govern him 
and to supply his deficiencies: in this there is no injustice. 
Neither is it unjust in the master to compel him to labor, and 
thereby afford to that master a just compensation in return fur 
the care and talent employed in governing him. In this way 
alone is the negro enabled to render himself useful to himself 
and to the society in which he is placed. 

"These are the principles, gentlemen, which the extreme 
measures of abolitionism compel us to enforce. This is the 
ground that we must take, or abandon our cherished Union. 
We must no longer favor political leaders who talk about negro 
slavery being an evil; nor must we advance the indefensible 
doctrine that negro slavery is a thing which, although perni- 
cious, is to be tolerated merely because we have made a bar- 
gain to tolerate it. We must turn away from the teachings of 
fanaticism. We must look at negro slavery as it is, remember- 
ing that the voice of inspiration, as found in the sacred volume, 
nowhere condemns the bondage of those who are fit only for 
bondage. Yielding to the clear decree of nature, and the dic- 
tates of sound philosophy, we must pronounce that institution 
just, benign, lawful, and proper. The Constitution established 
by the fathers of our Republic, which recognized it, must be 
maintained. And that both may stand together, we must 
maintain that neither the institution itself, nor the Constitution 
which upholds it, is wicked or unjust; but that each is sound 
and wise, and entitled to our fullest support. 

"I have maintained the justice of slavery; I have main- 
tained it, because I hold that the negro is decreed by nature 
to a state of pupilage under the dominion of the wiser white 
man, in every clime where God and nature meant the negro 
should live at all. (Applause.) I say a state of pupilage ; 

170 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

and, that I may be rightly understood, I say that it is the duty 
of the white man to trout him kindly — that it is the interest of 
the white man to treat him kindly. (Applause.) And fur- 
ther, it is my belief, that if the white man, in the States where 
slavery exists, is not interfered with by the fanatics who are 
now creating these disturbances, whatever laws, whatever im- 
provements, whatever variations in the conduct of society are 
necessary for the purpose of enforcing in every instance the 
dictates of interest and humanity, as between the white man 
and the black, will be faithfully and fairly carried out in the 
progress of that improvement in all these things in which we 
are engaged. It is not pretended that the master has a right 
to slay his slave ; it is not pretended that he has a right to be 
guilty of harshness and inhumanity to his slave. The laws of 
all the Southern States forbid that : we have not the right here 
at the North to be guilty of cruelty toward a horse. It is an 
indictable offence to commit such cruelty. The same laws 
exist in the South, and if there is any failure in enforcing them 
to the fullest extent, it is due to this external force which is 
pressing upon the Southern States, and compels them to abstain 
perhaps from many acts beneficent toward the negro which 
otherwise would be performed. (Applause.) In truth, in fact, 
in deed, the white man in the slaveholding States has no more 
authority, by the law of the land, over his slave, than our laws 
allow to a father over his minor children. He can no more 
violate humanity with respect to them, than a father in any of 
the free States of this Union can exercise acts violative of hu- 
manity toward his own son under the age of twenty-one. So 
far as" the law is concerned, you own your boys, and have a 
right to their services until they are twenty-one. You can 
make them work for you ; you have the right to hire out their 
services and take their earnings ; you have the right to chas- 
tise them with judgment and reason if they violate your com- 
mands ; and they are entirely without political rights. Not 
one of them, at the age of twenty years and eleven months 
even, can go to the polls and give a vote. Therefore, gentle- 
men, before the law, there is but one difference between the 
free white man of twenty years of age in the Northern States, 
and the negro bondman in the Southern States. The white 
man is to be emancipated at twenty-one, because his God-given 
intellect entitles him to emancipation and fits him for the duties 
to devolve upon him. The negro, to be sure, is a bondman for 
life. He may be sold from one master to another, but where 
is the ill in that ( — one may be as good as another. If there be 
laws with respect to the mode of sale, which by separating 
man and wife do occasionally lead to that which shocks hu- 
manity, and may be said to violate all propriety and all con- 
science — if such things are done, let the South alone and they 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 171 

will correct the evil. Let our brethren of the South take care 
of their own domestic institutions, and they will do it. (Ap- 
plause.) They will so govern themselves as to suppress acts of 
this description, if they are occasionally committed, as perhaps 
they are, and we must all admit that they are contrary to just 
conceptions of right and humanity." 

This just view appeals to the understanding of every intelli- 
gent man. There are none who do not admit that, in every 
point of view, the black is better off in his servile state in 
America than in his savage state in Africa. To deny this is to 
deny all the merits of civilization, since the civilized man loses 
a large portion of his personal liberty in submitting to the re- 
straints and conventionalities that are necessary to the peace 
and well-being of communities. If, then, the condition of the 
black thus far has been progressive, what may not be expected 
from a continued operation of the same influence, when his 
value has so much enhanced? This question reduces itself to 
a mere matter of dollars and cents. At the North, a horse of 
$30 value has bestowed upon him a certain degree of care be- 
cause of even that value ; but when the price of the animal 
rises to 5 and 10 thousand dollars, the care he receives becomes 
princely. He has expensive stables and special attendance. 
His owner becomes anxious for his health and safety, and looks 
after the faithfulness of those who have him in charge. Up to 
1S08, the New England traders would sell slaves in the South 
at £30, $135, each. At a succession sale in West Baton Rouge, 
a few days since, the following enormous prices were paid for 
common field-hands : — One female negro and four young, 
$5,650; one male, $4,400; do. do., $3,475 ; do. do., $3,400; 
do. do., $3,305; do. do., $3,200. In Selma, Alabama, a hand 
24 years old brought $2,245, a female §3,205, another hand 
$2,050. These prices do not indicate merely that the hand is 
worth so much more because his services to humanity have 
risen in that proportion, but they indicate that he has so much 
greater hold upon the consideration of his master. That not 
only his material well-being will be better cared for, but all 
cruelty, moral and physical, that might affect his health or di- 
minish his usefulness, will be more strictly prohibited ; that the 
powers of overseers will be restrained; that his moral culture, 
as conducive to his physical usefulness, will he eared for, and 
the path thus laid open to his higest mental and material de- 
velopment. This is the process now going on under direction 

172 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 

of divine Providence, and the black, like the white Northern 
minor, is legally required to exert himself in the furtherance of 
the great end in view. This process is attended with immense 
benefits to the white race at large and the American Union in 
particular. Every part of it enjoys, as we have seen in forego- 
ing chapters, the highest degree of prosperity, and all that is 
required to prolong and heighten that favorable condition is to 
preserve harmony, to bear and forbear, and to second Provi- 
dence in its manifest designs for the welfare of his creatures. 
If those blacks produced great wealth under white tutelage, 
and in return for the great blessings bestowed upon them, it is 
shared by all parts of thy Union in a degree; in return, each 
lends its aid in protecting and fostering a dependent race and 
promoting its improvement. The buyers of slave-grown prod- 
uce are accused, in some cases, of encouraging, by so doing, 
what some persons believe to be a sin ; but they are also, by 
those purchases, making the value of the slave greater, and 
thus compelling an amelioration of his condition. If, on the 
other hand, he should be made free, his freedom, as the world 
too well knows, would consist only in the unrestrained practice 
of vices, a neglect of industry, an abandonment of all hope of 
improvement, a turning of his back upon civilization, and a 
resolute return to the brute condition. 

The theory of the agitators is that the South will not, in any 
event, seriously resist the hostile action of the North, no matter 
how much they may be oppressed ; that they will still cling to 
the Union ; that the patriotism they have heretofore so uni- 
formly shown will still induce them to stand by a Union be- 
come valueless, since it deprives them of the right to property 
they have so long enjoyed. The question with them is not, 
however, one of mere political ascendency; it is one of exis- 
tence. If the cotton-fields, sugar plantations, and tobacco 
lands are deprived of hands — for that is the ultimate object of 
the agitating party — of what value will the lands or their sur- 
roundings be to those owners? It will then be too late for 
them to resist, for they will already have been despoiled. It is 
this necessity for timely resistance that begets the danger. The 
only mode in which the North can realize the approach of that 
danger we have endeavored to set forth in the preceding pages, 
when showing the dependence of all industry upon the produc- 
tive South. The preliminary measures have already been taken 
in most of the Southern States to promote direct trade, and cur- 

Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 173 

tail purchases at the North. The first pressure resulting from 
these measures must fall upon Northern artisans, in the shape 
of lower wages and diminished work. The non-intercourse, 
carried to any extent, will naturally produce depression at the 
North and a rise of prices at the South. If the latter is sus- 
tained by any vigorous State legislation, it will give a great 
impetus to manufactures, which will drain men and capital into 
the Northern Slave States. The depreciation of property which 
would follow at the North is matter for serious contemplation, 
and it well behooves those interested to guard against it. 

While the dangers and disadvantages that attend this sorrow- 
ful issue are so great, what are the advantages that attend its 
success ? Suppose the agitators reach the power — they now 
profess to have but "one policy," and that a negative one. Is 
it worth while to convulse the world in order to give offices to 
those who seek them under a sham pretence ; who assert that 
they oppose slavery in opposition to the law of the land, under 
the dictates of a "higher law," and who, in making that asser- 
tion, profess tr r son to the "higher law," in favor of States' 
rights? Is i"« not better to stand by the Constitution and the 
laws, and avoid such issues as are based only on passions fac- 
tiousiy excited, and to brand with infamy the man who seeks 
office at the risk of disunion, anarchy, and servile war ?